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59 pages 1 hour read

Brandy Colbert

Black Birds in the Sky: The Story and Legacy of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre

Nonfiction | Book | YA | Published in 2021

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “May 31, 1921”

Part 2, Introduction Summary

Dick Rowland fled to his mother Damie’s house after the incident in the elevator on May 30. Though he was wanted, the police did not take steps to seek him out, only arresting him when he left the house the next day. After his arrest, word spread about his alleged crime, and there were death threats against Rowland almost immediately. He was moved from the Tulsa Jail to the Tulsa County Courthouse. This did not prevent a lynch mob from forming, however.

Furthermore, by advocating for Rowland’s lynching, newspapers incited the mob to form. The mob demanded Sheriff Willard McCullough release Rowland, but McCullough refused to do so. In the Greenwood District, concern for Rowland grew. Some wanted to confront the white mob to protect Rowland, while others, such as business man O. W. Gurley, were apprehensive.

Regardless, 25 Black men took their guns and went to the courthouse to offer support to McCullough in protecting Rowland. Though the police sent the men home, the mob was further riled by the appearance of armed Black men, and many white men went to arm themselves, either at home or by robbing the National Guard armory, though the National Guard managed to fight them off. Still, the continued appearance of armed Black men patrolling the area in cars to ensure Rowland’s safety angered the white mob. Seventy-five Black men from Greenwood then went to the courthouse. This further agitated the mob, and when a white man tried to take a Black veteran’s gun from him, shots fired, and chaos began.

A shootout took place at the courthouse, leaving a dozen people, Black and white, dead or wounded. The Black men began to retreat into Greenwood, but the white mob pursued them. The Tulsa police also “swore in” anywhere from 400-500 white men as “special deputies,” essentially giving them a license to kill Black people in retribution (100). The white mob looted stores to obtain more firearms, then began killing innocent Black people who only happened to be in town that night. One man was murdered in the middle of a movie theater as he attempted to escape the mob. The violence was no longer about Dick Rowland: It was about harming the entire Black community of Tulsa.

Part 2, Chapter 4 Summary: “Black Wall Street Comes Alive”

Ottowa W. Gurley, or O. W. Gurley, was instrumental in creating the Greenwood District. The son of former enslaved people, he was born in Huntsville, Alabama, on Christmas 1868. His family moved to Pine Bluff, Arkansas, a primarily Black community, when he was young, and he was able to attend public school and educate himself until he completed his degree at Branch Normal College, an institute that trained Black educators to teach at the segregated schools in Arkansas.

Gurley taught and held a job in the Postal Service, eventually even having a role appointed by President Grover Cleveland, though the details of that role have been lost. He married Emma Evans and then left for Oklahoma, hoping to seek better opportunities further west and to face less racial discrimination. He participated in a land run in 1893 and settled in Perry, about 80 miles from Tulsa.

Gurley had success as superintendent of the Perry schools, but eventually found his gaze set on oil in Tulsa. He bought a parcel of land in Tulsa in 1906 with the goal of making a community for ambitious Black people. He designated some land for businesses and some for housing, while also starting his own general store. He received help from J. B. Stradford, a Black man born during the start of the Civil War who obtained both an undergraduate and a law degree before moving to Tulsa to work with Gurley to form the Greenwood District. Stradford began the Stradford Hotel, the largest Black-owned hotel in the country at that time that had numerous luxurious amenities. While getting involved in business, Stradford also fought for racial equality through peaceful protest, using his law degree to dismantle discriminatory pieces of legislation. Gurley continued to expand his businesses and invest in real estate alongside Stradford.

By 1921, Greenwood had “a Black hospital, a Black public library, two Black schools, two Black newspapers, two theaters, three fraternal organizations, five hotels, eleven boardinghouses, and about a dozen churches” (108). There were numerous stores, restaurants, beauty shops, transportation companies, a printing press for the Tulsa Star, a confectionary store and soda fountain, a movie theater, and much more. There were 15 Black doctors at the Greenwood hospital, one of whom was Dr. A. C. Jackson, a renowned physician and surgeon who even had both white and Black patients and eventually became president of the Oklahoma State Medical Association. Black lawyers also flourished in Greenwood, as Buck Colbert “B. C.” Franklin set up his law practice in town in 1921. The school system in Greenwood, especially Booker T. Washington High School, set students up for admission to elite white universities, like Columbia and Oberlin, and prestigious historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), like Howard and Spellman. Educators were valued and highly compensated in Greenwood.

Despite this prosperity, white resentment, jealousy, and fear still simmered in Tulsa. Above all, Colbert attributes the root of the massacre to jealousy: Poor white people, and white people in general, believed themselves to be superior to Black Americans, so seeing Black Americans obtain wealth and success angered them, and this anger ultimately led to violence.

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “Extra! Extra! Read All About It!, or the Promise of a Lynching”

Colbert opens the chapter with an exploration of the history of newspapers in the United States and the way the different biases of newspaper publishers shaped the news. At the start of the colonial period of the United States, there were a number of newspapers run by white publishers, but there was not a Black-run newspaper until Freedom’s Journal began in 1827 in New York City. The newspaper covered stories of Black Americans, advocated for their rights, and also discussed stories about African nations.

Though the paper only lasted for two years, it inspired more and more Black newspapers to begin nationwide. In Tulsa, the first weekly newspaper was the Indian Republican in 1893. In 1895, a group started the New Era, which later became the Tulsa Democrat. In 1904, the Tulsa Democrat was sold again at the same time that the Republican newspaper the Tulsa Daily World began publication. In 1919, the Tula Democrat was sold to Richard Lloyd Jones, and he renamed it the Tulsa Tribune-Democrat, then just the Tulsa Tribune. The Tulsa Star, started in 1912 by A. J. Smitherman, was Tulsa’s first Black newspaper.

Though politically conservation, Smitherman was an advocate for Black equality and worked diligently to prevent lynching in the Oklahoma Black community. Jones, on the other hand, printed an editorial calling for Rowland’s lynching in the Tulsa Tribune under the title “TO LYNCH NEGRO TONIGHT” (129). He also sensationalized accounts of Rowland’s alleged assault of Page, which further encouraged the formation of the lynch mob. Colbert notes that, although there is no physical evidence of the editorial with the headline that encouraged the violence in Greenwood, both white and Black citizens of Tulsa alike recall seeing it, and Colbert speculates that it’s possible all copies of the newspaper were burned or lost to time. Regardless, Jones and the Tulsa Tribune certainly helped to incite the violence that led to the massacre.

Part 2 Analysis

Colbert paints a portrait of Greenwood as it was before the fatal events of the 1921 massacre, bringing to life the people who lived there and their daily routines, with the hustle and bustle of a thriving community growing in affluence.

The violence commences during the mob’s attempt to lynch Rowland. Colbert depicts this violence with solemnity; however, she is also unflinching in her description of the events. There is a cool tone to her writing as she states: “The Tulsa police gave the men badges and ribbons to validate their new roles, and, in some cases, the civilians were told in no uncertain terms to go out and kill Black people” (101). Colbert refrains from adding any judgments to this description, merely allowing the historical facts to stand for themselves. The objective tone of the text serves to underscore the gravity of the events, emphasizing how deeply ingrained anti-Black racism and the logic of white supremacy really was. She also ends the introductory section with an ominous line: “War had been declared on any and every Black person in Tulsa” (101). She then transitions back into the genesis of Greenwood, building suspense for the escalation of terror and creating a lingering sense of unease, even as she moves away from the depiction of the violence and into the creation of Greenwood. 

Colbert takes her time to establish Greenwood as a community, carefully illustrating the origins and impacts of Greenwood’s legacy. Greenwood was not an anomaly for its success as a Black community, but it was specifically unique for its affluence and business success. This adds nuance to the theme of The Role of Systemic Racism in Economic Disparities, as Greenwood was an example of a community that had less economic disparities with the white areas of Tulsa. This was not the norm in this time period, as racist discrimination meant Black Americans did not usually have the same economic opportunities as white Americans.

The set up of Greenwood was extremely intentional, and the Greenwood community utilized the segregation that white lawmakers subjected them to their advantage. Colbert writes:

The community’s focus on businesses that were Black-owned, Black-operated, and patronized primarily by Black people meant that each dollar spent in Greenwood would circulate throughout the businesses and people there around thirty times; the wealth stayed in the community and continued to grow it (112).

Because the community of Greenwood was so interconnected and possessed all the businesses and amenities that the residents needed for day-to-day life, Greenwood was able to flourish as the wealth of the community members remained in the community, allowing Greenwood to have a comparable economy to other white communities in Tulsa.

This economic equality, however, led to white jealousy that motivated the massacre, demonstrating the pervasive nature of the economic inequality the white society attempted to force upon Black Americans. When that inequality failed to take root in Greenwood, the white mob utilized violence to destroy the affluence they resented and to reinforce economic inequality. 

The Erasure and Recovery of Black Historical Narratives also plays an important thematic role in this section. When Colbert describes the headline in the Tribune that stated “TO LYNCH NEGRO TONIGHT” (129), she illustrates that there is no remaining physical evidence of the headline:

While several people reported seeing this incendiary headline and the editorial beneath it, to this day no complete copy of the May 31 Tulsa Tribune has been found. Archived versions on microfilm show a missing space where it likely would have run, and historians surmise that this was where the editorial was set. But if a copy containing the full editorial exists, no one has come forward to offer it up (130).

While Colbert will later explore the depth of the cover up of the Tulsa Race Massacre, she offers insight into the missing pieces of evidence that, if found, would further demonstrate the guilt of the white mob and the Tulsa government. No copies of the newspaper with the incendiary headline still exist. It could mean that the headline was not printed or was not as the citizens remember, but Colbert argues that what is more likely is that this piece of history was intentionally erased. Colbert acknowledges the claims of skeptical historians, but concludes her discussion of the missing headline with the image of it being “buried for eternity,” showcasing her belief that the headline was intentionally erased and hinting at her desire to recover it, alongside the truth about the massacre (132).

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