logo

45 pages 1 hour read

Cokie Roberts

Founding Mothers: The Women Who Raised Our Nation

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2004

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Chapters 5-7Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 5 Summary: “1782-1787: Peace and Diplomacy”

Benjamin Franklin returned to America after Deborah’s death, but in 1776, less than two years later, he went to France as a diplomat. He greatly enjoyed his time there and the attention he received from the French, informing a friend, “Somebody, it seems, gave it out that I loved ladies; and then everybody presented me their ladies (or the ladies presented themselves) to be embraced, that is to have their necks kissed” (145). His sister, Jane Mecom, and his daughter, Sally, had a far less enjoyable time back in America, where they lived in constant fear of attack from the British and were forced to flee their home (having first ensured that Benjamin’s library was sent on ahead). Despite their difficult conditions, Benjamin rarely wrote to them while he reveled in his celebrity in France.

 

In 1778, John Adams also went on a diplomatic mission to France, and Abigail was again left to manage farm, family, and finances without him. Letters arrived infrequently, and many were lost on the way. John’s first letter took two months to reach Abigail, and when it did, she found it full of praise for the country and, especially, for how educated the women were. Abigail had long called for better education for American women, not always with the full support of her husband, so she was understandably angered by his sudden celebration of educated foreign women. Abigail became depressed dealing with life on the home front without the support of her husband. John did little to improve her situation, still stubbornly insisting on not expressing his emotions or showing his love and support in letters.

In 1779, annoyed by Congress’s lack of direction and instruction, John returned to America, where he was tasked with drafting a Massachusetts state charter that would later greatly influence the federal Constitution (153). Abigail was delighted to see him and to be engaged in his political works. However, this relief was short-lived: Later that year, John was assigned the duty of negotiating peace with the British and sent back to Paris. It was another nine years before he returned, time Abigail spent managing the farm, collecting money owed to John, and living as thriftily as possible to survive. She continued to see this life as her duty and as a woman’s opportunity to serve her country. She felt that the task was all the more remarkably patriotic given the fact that women were excluded from true political roles. Indeed, she wrote to John on this subject, asking, “Deprived of a voice in legislation, obliged to submit to those laws which are imposed upon us, is it not sufficient to make us indifferent to the public welfare?” before noting that “all history and every age exhibit instance of patriotic virtue in the female sex; which considering our situation equals the most heroic of yours” (173).

 

When Britain and America exchanged ratified copies of the Treaty of Paris on May 12, 1784, peace was declared between the nations. However, John was required to stay on in Paris to negotiate commercial treaties. He invited Abigail to join him, and she reluctantly agreed. Reunited in England, they almost immediately left again to meet Thomas Jefferson in Paris. Jefferson had long declined to take a position as a diplomat to France because of his dedication to his wife, Martha. Martha was regularly unwell, largely as a result of a cycle of pregnancy, childbirth, and childrearing, not to mention mourning the untimely deaths of half her offspring. Such a life was not unusual for the period—although it would soon begin to change, and Roberts speculates that this change may have been the result of women feeling more empowered after taking on greater responsibilities during the war (176). Nevertheless, Jefferson refused to leave Martha until she died in 1792 after another difficult birth.

 

Although devastated, Jefferson was glad to be able to attend congress more, taking one of his daughters, Patsy, with him. There, he defied the conventions of a young girl’s education by providing tutors for his daughter and setting out a precise schedule of English, French, music, letter writing, drawing, and dancing. His reasons for this were varied. On the one hand, he focused on her education because he suspected she might marry a “blockhead” and so would serve as “the head of a little family of her own” (178). At the same time, he told Patsy that the skills she would learn would “render you more worthy of my love,” adding additional dictates about her maintaining a spotless appearance because: “Nothing is so disgusting to our sex as a want of cleanliness and delicacy in yours” (179). In 1784, Patsy accompanied Jefferson to Paris, where, unusually, she was placed in a convent school.

 

Another significant woman of the period came from radically different circumstances. Elizabeth Freeman was a slave living in Sheffield, Massachusetts, when the state adopted the constitution that John Adams had helped draft, which declared that “all men are born free and equal” (153). Owned by a prominent family, Elizabeth had served many of the men involved in drafting the constitution and listened in on their discussions of rights and freedoms. In 1781, she asked one of them, Theodore Sedgwick, to represent her in court as she sued for freedom. He accepted, and the case was successful, with Elizabeth and another slave winning their freedom, a decision that would quickly lead to slavery being abolished in Massachusetts (154).

Chapter 6 Summary: “1787-1789: Constitution and the First Election”

In 1785, Benjamin Franklin returned from Europe and was welcomed by an adoring public. His sister, Jane, had hoped that they might retire together, to spend their later years in each other’s company. However, within a month Benjamin was elected president of Pennsylvania, and she wrote, rather acidly, “I may as well content myself at this distance with the hopes of receiving once in a while a kind letter from you” (200). Her assumption proved accurate as they never saw each other again. Benjamin’s daughter, Sally Bache, did see her father more. However, she also had to spend a great deal of time greeting, feeding, and generally attending to the many visitors who came to see the illustrious Benjamin Franklin, while still taking care of her young family. Although Benjamin had been absent from her life for nine years, Sally even had to share his affections with his surrogate daughter and her children, whom he brought over from England to live in his home.

 

Jane and Sally were not the only women disappointed by a Founding Father. As the Founders worked on the new Constitution, Mercy Otis Warren returned to public politics to criticize their approach to government. Indeed, even the Constitutional Convention offended her because it took place behind closed doors with limited information available to the public, causing her to question how much those involved were accountable to the people. When the Founders tried to get the Constitution ratified, she stepped up her objections, publishing a pamphlet that aimed to convince states not to authorize the document. She questioned whether a centralized government was appropriate for such a vast and diverse land and feared that the new government would be an oligarchy, giving too much power to too few people and failing to provide adequate means for the public “to reject their decisions, to call for a revision of their conduct, to depute others in their room” (221).

 

Despite her objections, once the states ratified and the Constitution passed into law in 1788, Warren accepted it without complaint, and the following year her old friends and correspondents George Washington and John Adams were elected as the first President and Vice President, respectively. Unlike Warren, who returned to public life voluntarily, Martha Washington would soon find her relaxed private life at Mount Vernon turned upside down as she once more became a public figure.

 

Roberts also offers the story of a woman who provides a far more scandalous example of “public life” and a vision of American womanhood far removed from that of the dutiful and dedicated wives and mothers celebrated so far. Anne Cary Randolph is connected to this overall narrative because, in 1809, she married Gouverneur Morris, who crafted the decisions of the Constitutional Convention into the tightly worded document itself. Promiscuous, hedonistic, and often linked to married women, Morris was not entirely a stranger to controversy and scandal. However, many were appalled when he married Anne as she had an incredibly scandalous history. In 1790, ejected from her family home by her father’s young bride, the 16-year-old Anne moved in with her sister Judith and their cousin, Judith’s husband, Richard Randolph, on their plantation, which was named “Bizarre.” Richard’s brother Theodorick also moved to the plantation because he was courting Anne. However, Richard and Theodorick’s brother John was upset because he wished to marry Anne, and Richard was himself secretly in love with her.

 

Theodorick died of Tuberculosis in 1792, and shortly after people began to worry that Anne had put on weight and seemed depressed. Later, while visiting another cousin’s plantation, Anne woke the hosts by screaming, but Richard barred everyone from entering the room to investigate. Rumors spread that the plantation slaves had found a dead baby, with many concluding that Anne and Richard had been having an affair and that she had borne his child and then compelled him to kill it. Richard stood trial, during which numerous Randolph cousins suggested that Richard and Anne were overly familiar. However, Judith and John both testified that Richard and Anne were innocent, and Richard was acquitted. Anne, Judith, and Richard returned to Bizarre, where, three years later, Richard died suddenly of unknown causes.

Life on the plantation grew strained as Judith began to wonder if the rumors were true, and John, whom Anne had once rejected and who was now a member of Congress, sided with Judith and ejected Anne from the property. Anne left Virginia, but scandal followed her, as John Randolph spread rumors that, among other things, she had murdered Richard and become the mistress of one of Bizarre’s slaves (212). Unable to find work and with no resources of her own, Anne eventually sought out Gouverneur Morris, whom she had met when she was a child. He took her on as a housekeeper and then married her later the same year. She survived further rumors and attacks from Morris’s relatives and from an increasingly vicious John Randolph, and after Morris’s death, she managed his estate until their son came of age, despite further attempts from his family to undermine her control.

Chapter 7 Summary: “After 1789: Raising a Nation”

As George Washington traveled up to New York, great celebrations took place everywhere he passed. On Inauguration Day, proceedings were without pomp, but when Martha arrived in New York three weeks later, they held a ball at which all the women held ivory fans depicting George’s face (229). This decision represents some of the tensions that were at play around procedure and protocol, with considerable effort made to distance the new nation from the pageantry of the European monarchical courts while still maintaining dignity and authority. Politicians and advisors debated numerous matters, including whom and how Martha would entertain and how she would present herself as First Lady.

 

Indeed, Martha was under considerable pressure to set the tone of the proceedings and set an example for others. Again, there was a certain tension around how she should appear and behave. Martha was expected to present a dignified image, elegantly attired with her hair “set and dressed every day,” sporting “a set of teeth [… made] bigger and thicker in front and a small matter longer” (231). At the same time, she had to avoid a sense of “unrepublican” decadence, appearing at key events in American homespun. To avoid any accusations of prejudice or preferential treatment, she was not allowed to accept private visitors. Nevertheless, she had to host numerous receptions and events, as well as calling on and receiving calls from other prominent women, all while maintaining a persona that was dignified yet modest, distinguished but welcoming. These events served a political purpose, providing enough formality for visiting diplomats while also maintaining an appropriately republican openness and accessibility (234), as did Martha’s habit of receiving and welcoming Revolutionary War veterans, which helped to keep them amiable, especially after Congress declined to pay them back pay for their service (264). Always in the public eye and carrying a great many restrictive responsibilities, Martha found life as First Lady grueling and often extremely dull, and on several occasions she complained that she was “more like a state prisoner than anything else” (235).

 

Abigail Adams also found cause to complain about her life married to a prominent politician, observing that “this country had ‘obliged me to more sacrifices than any other woman in the country’” (274), although, as throughout her marriage, she viewed this situation as her duty and as a patriotic sacrifice that she was willing to make. This is not to say that she always did so gracefully: She complained not only about her sacrifices but also about the amount of socializing that was expected of her. Like Martha Washington, she was expected to both host and attend parties and gatherings. Again, however, these events had an important political role to play, serving “a civilizing purpose” by providing a space in which opposing politicians were forced by propriety to interact politely and respectfully (260). Abigail later found even more sacrifices and socializing awaiting her when John became President and she took on the role of First Lady, a position that required her to at least attempt to watch her tongue and avoid voicing her bold, outspoken political views.

 

Despite her sacrifices, Abigail was delighted that John became President. She was also pleased with growing shifts in education for women, a cause for which she had long been a passionate advocate. The war had shown that women could take on great responsibilities and fill many roles, helping to shift engrained attitudes about women’s abilities and potential. Many now felt that, with formal education, women could serve their country even more fully, and periodicals began to publish writing by women and articles about the issue. Mercy Otis Warren even published a book under her own name for the first time, releasing a collection of poetry that won the praise and endorsement of George Washington and Mercy’s other prominent political friends. The political positions behind this shift were varied, ranging from an early or proto-feminism to the belief that educated mothers would do a better job of raising their sons to be fine upstanding Americans. Nevertheless, it was a profound development, marking a growing recognition of women’s abilities and their contribution to the birth of a nation, as well as serving as a starting point for a significant shift in attitudes towards women’s education and women’s rights in America. 

Chapters 5-7 Analysis

The themes of women’s roles and women’s contributions remain significant throughout the final chapters of the book. Initially, we see the continuing lack of appreciation for women’s behind-the-scenes efforts. While Benjamin Franklin was away in Paris kissing French women on the neck, his sister Jane and his daughter were back in America, struggling on the edges of the war, their duties even including sending Franklin’s library on ahead of them before they fled the encroaching British forces. Again, these actions were largely unrecognized and undervalued, particularly by Franklin himself, who rarely wrote to them during his years in Paris. When he returned, Jane, like Deborah before her, gave up on her brother when he became president of Pennsylvania, effectively sacrificing him, or her relationship with him, to the cause of politics. His daughter did get to see him more, but doing so required that she take on the standard female role and host the numerous visitors he received, again doing her “duty” in the domestic sphere in order to facilitate his more direct interaction with the public and political world.  

 

While John Adams did appear to be far more aware of Abigail’s contributions, his letters from Paris were also rare and continued to lack the affection that his wife craved. In this sense, the story of Abigail, too, reflects women’s roles continuing in the background as she grows increasingly depressed by her extremely demanding life on the farm, raising a family with very little income and without her husband’s support. Roberts highlights how, given the amount of this unacknowledged labor she undertook in the name of duty, and given her consistent calls for equal access to education, John’s clumsy celebration of French women’s education levels must have been particularly frustrating.

 

In this anecdote, we again see some of the tensions around changing roles. Men were beginning to recognize women’s strengths and capabilities and were starting to celebrate these qualities in other women, but they were still not fully acknowledging the difficult, subordinated positions of the women in their own lives or the struggles they undertook. The women of colonial America, then, were at a particularly complicated point of transition: They were expected to maintain traditional family and domestic roles but also to take on the burden of managing farms and businesses for their absent husbands, while listening to these men praise how foreign women were being educated to take on greater responsibilities and achievements but being denied education and rights themselves.

 

Nevertheless, Abigail continued to view her sacrifices as her duty and, for the time being, more or less the only way in which a woman could show her patriotism and contribute to the struggle. However, she also felt that, given their lack of representation, women were being particularly patriotic in contributing to the struggle for a nation that had not yet granted them rights, suggesting that their struggle was an “instance of patriotic virtue in the female sex; which considering our situation equals the most heroic of yours” (173). In this sense, Abigail accepted women’s limited scope for contributing the cause on one level but, on another level, remained dedicated to pushing for greater recognition and greater responsibilities. This contrast again highlights tensions around women’s roles, intersecting here with the other themes of women’s contribution to independence, notions of duty, and the early struggle for women’s rights.

 

Jefferson’s relationship with his daughter Patsy also highlights some of the tensions of the period. He provided her with an education that far exceeded the norms for young girls in colonial America, in part to prepare her to take on a more active role as a head of a family. However, alongside this seemingly progressive act and motivation was his assertion that her education would “render you more worthy of my love” and his focus on her appearance, both of which firmly place her back in a traditional role of existing to please and serve men.

 

Anne Cary Randolph’s story also shows us how capricious colonial society could be and how dangerous it was to be a woman who was perceived as having stepped outside a prescribed role and wronged male family members. Interestingly, Roberts does not assert whether she believes Anne guilty of the affair or of inducing Richard to kill their child, but she does speak of her in a tone of guarded respect, highlighting her resilience and refusal to give in to bullying and abandonment, as well as her ability to step outside traditional roles and manage her deceased husband’s estate despite efforts of family members to take her son’s inheritance.

 

While by no means facing the same level of danger and scandal as Anne, Martha Washington also knew the threat that hung over those who did not measure up to accepted standards. Newly independent, America was a hotbed of tensions around protocol and pomp. While the court struggled to find the right balance of pageantry and republicanism, Martha, as the first ever First Lady, had to set an example, maintaining an appearance that was courtly and dignified and yet humble and egalitarian, her appearance just as dictated as that of Jefferson’s daughter and far more widely scrutinized. Martha found role this exhausting and depressing, complaining that she was “more like a state prisoner than anything else” (235), while Abigail Adams made similar complaints and alleged that America “obliged me to more sacrifices than any other woman in the country” (274).

 

However, Martha, Abigail, and other high-status women were making essential contributions to the cause. Their appearances helped give an impression that the republican court was both dignified and open, just as the parties and gatherings they ceaselessly attended and hosted served “a civilizing purpose” (260), providing space for rival politicians to interact with civility and good grace. In this sense, the Founding Mothers were, yet again, vital to the birth of America, albeit through contributions that, due to the complex changing roles of women in the new nation, remained largely unrecognized and undercelebrated.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
blurred text