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53 pages 1 hour read

Slavenka Drakulić

How We Survived Communism and Even Laughed

Nonfiction | Essay Collection | Adult | Published in 1992

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Themes

The Politics of Material Deprivation and Women’s Specific Needs

While she does not shy away from the obvious repressions of communism, like censorship of the press, Drakulić spends the most time on the cumulative effects of decades of material deprivation. She devotes an entire essay to the absence of toilet paper, as this problem has persisted for most of her adult life, and recurs as Yugoslavia enters a period of transition to a new economic system. She notes that while people in Eastern Europe are familiar with shortages, “it is hard to predict what will be considered a luxury” as any item could soon disappear. She then declares, “everywhere, the bottom line is bread. It means safety—because the lack of bread is where real fear begins” (18). At various points in the narrative, panicked shopping and hoarding of objects is a fear response, epitomized by her grandmother’s endless drawers of food stores and her own shopping as she fears that civil war is about to come to Yugoslavia. She argues that the rejection of communism should be understood not as ideological but as a reaction against living standards, as she points out that communism’s “symbol was Golub,” the hated low-quality toilet paper (75).

The persistence of material deprivation has obvious consequences for women’s gender expression, as there is little available in the way of fashion or makeup. Drakulić quotes the universal grievance of many people she meets: “look at us, we don’t even look like women. There are no deodorants, perfumes, sometimes even no soap or toothpaste” (31). Drakulić brings this point home later as she endeavors to explain to a mostly Western audience that communism’s failure is illustrated by the absence of sanitary napkins and tampons, which she describes as part of “the basic needs of half the population” (124). Drakulić argues that the overall political system leads women to absolve men of their imperfections as partners, because “we all live in the same mess” (109). In this way, communism makes it impossible for women to take care of their bodies or even identify their emotional needs. Drakulić similarly disparages ecological arguments against wearing fur, since they are merely another means to deny women in Eastern Europe luxuries they have never previously experienced. Drakulić uses women’s experiences to indict communism’s gendered failures as well as its broader inability to function as an economic system and mode of being.

Communism’s Enduring Legacy of Public Versus Private

The problem of privacy has many dimensions in Yugoslavia, both physical and spiritual. Drakulić confronts it professionally as she has a conversation with the censor designed to surveil her work, and finds the experience disorienting, as the man declares he knows her mind well from reading her work, and talks of the need to treat journalists “tenderly” (80). He further enhances this intimacy when he compliments her appearance, declaring she is more attractive in person, and that his main purpose was in fact to meet her. This display of chauvinism and paternalism has a broader psychological effect, though, as Drakulić realizes its intended purpose was to get her to examine her life and every move before the meeting even took place.

The lack of privacy is perhaps most obvious in Drakulić’s examination of multigenerational living in crowded apartments. She describes a childhood when her family lived with strangers, and an adulthood where many of her friends are unable to fully separate from their parents. Apartments are one of the only “life prizes” the system offers, as they are a refuge from state scrutiny (91). Drakulić is aware that the very concept of privacy as politically acceptable is only emerging slowly, as people in Croatia are used to crowding on their neighbors at the post office, and typically any craving for privacy was politically suspect. This extends to a corresponding disdain for public space that is visible in dirty parks. Drakulić accounts for this through the mindset that “public equals state equals the enemy” (165). Communism, then, alters the individual’s relationship to people, to physical space, and to one’s own individuality.

Communism also affects one’s mindset, and the public versus private battle involved with grief and trauma. Drakulić underscores this in her work’s Introduction, when she declares, “we may have survived communism, but we have not yet outlived it” (xvii). This is particularly apparent in Drakulić’s relationship to Croatia’s first free elections, as she says, “I was glad that Tito wasn’t gazing at me but through a window, into a future that only he could see and that will forever remain a secret to us” (148). She feels, even as a person open about communism’s failures, that something has been lost, a utopian dream that never came to pass, and that Tito’s legacy has been somehow betrayed. In other respects, Drakulić’s communist upbringing persists, especially in her relationship to religion. While she is glad her mother is experiencing Mass again, and even feels a “tinge of envy” at how long she has held on to the rituals and still knows how to participate, she is quickly alienated. When the priest equates the recent political changes with the will of God, she is skeptical, and notes that she feels as though she has “overeaten” after partaking of religion for the first time (157).

Drakulić also presents communism as an enduring metaphysical system. Ulrike’s memories of Berlin remain in her mind, and Drakulić laments that so little of the Berlin Wall remains, though she approves of the Checkpoint Charlie museum’s careful preservation of those who sought escape from East Germany, one that gives the landscape its own color. She argues that while the new regimes try to replace communist symbols and forget they existed, “the cities are remembering, and showing it, and the people, too” (167). While Drakulić does not grieve for a political system, she nevertheless acknowledges communism as its own way of life, with a legacy that should not be erased from public view even if she does not precisely cherish it.  

The Imperfections and Dangers of “-isms”

In her work, Drakulić frequently describes her travel to the United States for work purposes. While she appreciates the wider availability of consumer goods, and a more efficient postal and telephone system, she is clear-eyed about capitalism’s imperfections. She is proud of still having a “communist eye” for injustice and poverty, that she and her friends are unable to ignore homelessness in American cities (119). She argues that this way of seeing will not quickly disappear, and her pride in it suggests that she does not wish it to.

As she does communism, Drakulić evaluates capitalism in terms of its ability to provide. She comments that it is not a solution to the problem of toilet paper, as “it doesn’t grant you any paper at all, at least in this part of the world” (75), so that her daughter may not live in appreciably different conditions. Similarly, though dryers are now more available, electricity is not, so that women in Croatia are still reliant on washtubs as their grandmothers were. Drakulić’s reflections on history and progress do not present the change of political system as any kind of instant cure, and she remains skeptical about what lies ahead—especially as the collection ends with the Yugoslav wars.

Drakulić finds herself with two subjects as her work goes on: the end of the communist system and the coming of civil war as Yugoslavia collapses. Drakulić is somewhat cynical about the lack of attention in foreign media, noting that it is likely because Yugoslavia has less importance to the global economy than Iraq does. She finds that nationalism has become a persistent problem, like a “steam kettle” that is suddenly on boil (171). She uses this analogy to describe how Tito’s official ideology of a united Yugoslavia has gradually collapsed since his death. In an overlap with communist-era survival tactics, Drakulić finds that she and her neighbors are shopping in panic and that more staples are disappearing from the shelves. She also finds that war has produced its own mental habits, as she has, without realizing it, set herself up in a separate moral category from those who have become refugees. In the afterword, she finds that writing about communism has been replaced with thoughts of war—a trend borne out in her biography as many of her subsequent works engaged with the war and its aftermath.

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