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Amitav GhoshA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Reflecting on his time in Egypt, Ghosh wonders if Shaikh Musa understood how much Lataifa changed before Ghosh returned in 1988. As the two discussed everything that had happened, Ghosh got the sense that Shaikh Musa was looking at the village with new eyes. Among the greatest changes was the new technology in the village, demonstrated by the prevalence of refrigerators and other appliances. With these technological advancements had come a cultural change, which Ghosh saw when they went to the nearby town of Damanhour. Here, Shaikh Musa was unwilling to go into the shop where others had bought refrigerators because of his fellah clothes, but the younger people of the village happily went in.
Many of the younger generation had gone to Iraq and those who stayed were either trying to, or already, working the land. Movement to Iraq began in the early 1980s, when Iraq’s wars meant that there was a shortage of laborers. For a few years, it had been exceptionally easy for Egyptians to get relatively well-paying jobs in Iraq, something which led to a peak of two to three million Egyptians there (a sixth of the country’s population). Now that Iraqi soldiers were returning, jobs were becoming harder to get, and resentment was building against Egyptian immigrant labor.
Ahmed, Shaikh Musa’s son, often talked about going to work in Iraq, but his father would not hear of it. He was frightened by stories of the Iraqi hatred of Egyptians and was worried about losing another son. Of Ghosh’s younger friends in Lataifa, it was only Jabir who was still there, and he was trying to leave.
After breakfast, Shaikh Musa and Ghosh set off to visit Abu-‘Ali, Ghosh’s old landlord. Ghosh found that Abu-‘Ali’s house had been enlarged and Abu-‘Ali had also gained weight. When he saw Ghosh, he greeted him warmly and told him about how his sons had gone to Iraq early. He had used the money they sent home to expand his business.
It was probably in the mid-1140s that Ben Yiju considered returning to the Middle East, a move that may have been prompted by news about his brother Mubashshir. Khalaf passed on a message to Ben Yiju which stated that Mubashshir was in Egypt and asking for permission to go to India. A later letter from Khalaf shows that there had been difficulties in arranging travel.
Further letters show that Ben Yiju tried several times to bring his brother to India. Unbeknownst to him, his family, and many of the Jews of Ifriqiya, had been taken to Sicily during the raids of King Roger II of Sicily. At the same time, crusading fervor was stirring up antisemitism in Europe and the Muslim Almohad dynasty was moving towards Ifriqiya from the West, killing Jewish populations in towns that did not convert.
In 1148, Khalaf told Ben Yiju that his brother was now thinking about travelling to Syria instead of India. It may have been this circumstance that finally prompted him to leave India. He seems to have already had Madmun resolve whatever was keeping him out of Aden and so, by 1149, he was in the city again with his two children (though not his wife). He wrote from here to his brothers (both now in Sicily), hoping to reunite with them. He urged them to come to Aden, where he wanted to marry one of his nephews to his daughter.
The letter reached Mubashshir, who did not pass it on to Yusaf (the other brother). Yusaf still heard about the letter and that it contained a proposal. His son Surur set out, trying to find out more, but in the chaos of the time this was not a quick process.
Soon after Ghosh left Abu-‘Ali’s house, he ran into Jabir, whom he thought looked considerably older. Jabir took Ghosh to his house, where they caught up in Jabir’s room. Jabir told Ghosh that he had loved college, showing off many photos of him and his friends. While viewing these photos, Ghosh realized that, more than any physical changes, Jabir seemed aged because he looked more hopeless than he had before. Jabir was desperate to work in Iraq but had not yet been able to land a job. Despite the troubles between Egyptians and Iraqis in Iraq, he felt getting the money from there would be worth it. For the time being, he was working as a bricklayer’s apprentice to save money, but felt that he had wasted time going to college instead of Iraq.
Jabir compared himself to his younger brother Mohammad, who had made money as a carpenter in Jordan and was now considering marriage. A younger brother marrying before the older would have been highly embarrassing for Jabir so he was holding it off, but not for much longer. Ghosh said that as he left, he could tell that Jabir was in tears while claiming he would be in Iraq soon.
Ben Yiju’s return to Aden would not go well and within three years he would move to Egypt. He described his troubles in a letter to Yusaf in Sicily. He begins by stating that Mubashshir had gone to Aden and defrauded Ben Yiju out of a large sum of money. At around the same time, Ben Yiju’s son died. Ben Yiju was reaching out again because he was concerned for the future of his remaining child, a daughter.
Since these events, Ben Yiju had been living in Dhu Jibla, an inland city in the Yemeni highlands, while his daughter stayed with Khalaf. While Ben Yiju was there, Khalaf had tried to arrange a marriage between Ben Yiju’s daughter and his son, a move likely made with Ben Yiju’s daughter’s consent and potentially even at her prompting. Ben Yiju rejected the offer. He did not want his daughter to marry a “foreigner” hailing from Iraq, and still hoped for a marriage of his daughter to Surur, Yusaf’s son.
Turning down Khalaf’s offer of marriage appears to have caused a rift between Ben Yiju and the circle of merchants in Aden. No further letters from his Aden acquaintances appear in the Geniza following this point. This social rupture, and his wish to quickly marry his daughter to Yusaf’s son, likely played a part in his move to Egypt.
When Ghosh was visiting Nashawy, he went to Nabeel’s house. He was greeted by Fawzia, ‘Ali’s wife, who updated him on Nabeel. She said Nabeel had been in the army and unable to return home when both his father and his mother died. This profoundly affected him and, with Isma’il already urging him to go to Iraq, he left in 1986. He had become an assistant in a photographer’s shop, which Fawzia gave Ghosh the number for. Nabeel had also bought them a cassette recorder and would send recordings of himself back. She told him that they had recently received one and would listen to it soon.
Nabeel had sent enough money back for his family to have modern appliances and to begin building a new, larger house, in which Nabeel hoped to get married. Ghosh and Fawzia began talking about the changes to the village and Ghosh notes that these changes did not just entail a physical overhaul of the village or more gadgets. Instead, there had been an overhaul in the relations between the people, with some of the poorest in the village now being wealthy and important. Earlier that day, Ghosh had been talking to Ustaz Sabry, who said that this influx of money would not last and that the people would pay a price for it. Thinking about Jabir being left at home and Nabeel building a house he was not in, Ghosh though that this price was already being paid.
Later, ‘Ali and his younger brother Hussein (to whom Nabeel was clearly a role model) returned. Together, they listened to the tape of Nabeel, who updated them on how he and the others from Nashawy were doing in Iraq. That night, Ghosh was taken to the main road by Hussein and one of Isma’il’s younger brothers, who formed a pair remarkably like that of their older brothers. Ghosh felt that this was like seeing the ghosts of the two cousins he had known.
Ben Yiju’s second letter, unlike his first, did eventually reach Yusaf in Sicily. Surur immediately set off to begin his travels East, accompanied by his brother Moshe for the first leg of the journey. The two went to Messina, where some of Ben Yiju’s friends had agreed to cover Surur’s fare to Egypt. Moshe tried to join but was not given permission by his father. Once Surur had arrived in Egypt, he wrote to Sicily to ask for a legal document, which Moshe seized on as a chance to travel and bring it to him. However, en route he was captured by crusading pirates and taken to the city of Tyre. This worried his family until he sent a letter confirming that he was safe.
By 1156, the brothers were reunited in Egypt and Surur had married Ben Yiju’s daughter. Yusaf invited them to come back to Sicily, but instead appears to have moved to Egypt, where Moshe and Surur had become judges in a rabbinical court.
Nothing is known about what happened to Ashu, though it is likely she remained in India. Ben Yiju himself disappears from the historical record after his daughter’s wedding. Ghosh says that it is possible he returned to India, but more likely that he died in Egypt. As for Bomma, there are no more mentions of him in Ben Yiju’s correspondence with his brother but, Ghosh states, he does appear in the records once more.
Ghosh states that his return to Lataifa and Nashawy had an unexpected ending. His visit coincided with a mowlid for Sidi Abu-Hasira, whose legend claimed that he had been a Jewish man who flew to Egypt on a mat. Here, he became a Muslim and gathered disciples. Now he was celebrated by locals and many Israelis who travelled to visit his tomb. While Ghosh did not have the chance to see the mowlid, he and his taxi driver, Mohsin, decided to visit the tomb just after the event was over.
The next day Ghosh said his goodbyes to everyone and includes updates on what had happened to them. Khamees was now a prosperous landowner, Busaina an established businesswoman, ‘Eid was soon to be married to his childhood love, Zaghloul remained remarkably the same and Taha had begun an egg-selling business.
Ghosh and Mohsin went to the saint’s tomb on the way to the train station, but when they arrived, they realized that it was a much more modern complex than most tombs and it was surrounded by armed guards. Their car was quickly stopped, and Ghosh was questioned on why he was there. The guards did not understand why he would be interested in this tomb and ordered them to drive to another location, following the orders of a man that joined them.
They were sent into a building which seemed like a colonial office, and questioned by an officer. Ghosh realized that he could not explain why he was interested in the multicultural history of Egypt, as nothing now remained in Egypt to verify it. Instead, he was interested in the site because many people in the area had told him about the tomb, to which the officer replied that he should have ignored them. The tomb was just a site of superstition, he said, one that had nothing to do with modern Islamic beliefs. He ordered that Mohsin and the escort that had been assigned to them take Ghosh to the train station, and for Ghosh to take the first train to Cairo.
Back in America, Ghosh says that he reflected on what the man who had interrogated him had said. He realized that he had been right to say that what Ghosh was investigating was not connected to religion. Things like the tomb had become divorced from their religious background long ago and were instead classified as folklore and anthropology. From researching this, he learned that Sidi Abu-Hasira belonged to a famous line of Zeddikim, the Jewish counterparts of Sufi saints. Many of these people had been equally venerated by both religions, across North Africa and Egypt. Ghosh thus realized that a part of the interconnected world that Bomma had lived in had been near where he was staying the entire time.
In the last main section of In an Antique Land, Ghosh examines the changes that occurred in Nashawy and Lataifa between his two visits while bringing the story of Ben Yiju to a close. Ghosh’s theme The Impacts of Colonialism and Globalization is important here, as it is through Egypt’s links to Iraq that Nashawy and Lataifa change. However, Ghosh also shows that the alternations to the town were part of a longer process, one established earlier in the book.
During Ghosh’s first visit, he shows a growing divide between the worldviews of the older and younger generations, as seen in the supplanting of Imam Ibrahim and his traditional medicines by Ustaz Sabry and modern medicine. Moreover, Ghosh had established the desperate wish of the village to modernize and improve its own standing in terms of western “Development.” Accordingly, the money from Iraq was received by a village eager to change, which explains the dramatic and rapid shift in living conditions. Not only were household appliances able to be purchased, but also social statuses were “upturned and rearranged” (321) as families that successfully accessed the new wealth were able to increase their standing in the village, which is typified by the unpopular Jammals becoming prosperous landowners.
Nevertheless, while Ghosh describes in detail the new opportunities available to the villagers, he does not present these changes as solely good. His conversation with Ustaz Sabry on the eventual price of the labor, his focus on the human cost of the many people moving out of the village to work, and his highlighting of the hatred of Iraqi people for the immigrant Egyptian labor force all show warning signs about the apparently positive changes to village life. His hesitancy about the overhaul of village life reflects an important aspect of his examination of colonialism and globalization—namely, that an increase of material wealth and “development” in the Western sense of the word does not necessarily mean the advance of a civilization. Instead, it can be threatening, as it was to the Indian Ocean trade routes.
Ghosh also brings many of the personal stories he investigates throughout the book to their conclusion, reinforcing the importance of Personal Histories within Historical Narratives. For the people of Nashawy and Lataifa, Ghosh tries to give a brief epilogue to explain their standing when he last left Egypt, but he struggles to do the same with Ben Yiju and his contemporaries. Ashu drops entirely out of the story and Ben Yiju’s life after daughter’s wedding is not recorded. As with the rest of their lives, Ghosh is only able to relay the end of their stories in a sporadic manner, using what evidence is available to make assumptions. That people are lost within the historical record is an important element of Ghosh’s book, especially in the Epilogue, which Ghosh sets up here by showing how difficult it is to keep track of Ben Yiju. Giving an “ending” to the stories of the villagers that he writes about may be his attempt to rectify the tendency of “inconsequential” individuals to drop out of the broader historical record.
Ghosh also explores the legacy, or lack thereof, of the Indian Ocean trade cultures. This expands upon The Complexities of Cultural Identity, as Ghosh again questions the possibility of reviving the multicultural world of Bomma and Ben Yiju. When being questioned over his visit to the tomb of Sidi Abu-Hasira, Ghosh realized “how much success the partitioning of the past had achieved” (340), as there was “nothing [he] could point to within [the guard’s] world that might give credence to [his] story” (339) of ancient links between India and Egypt. The destruction of the trade routes meant that it was difficult for anyone to picture the diverse and peaceful interactions which upheld it, especially in the largely homogenous rural Egypt.
With this revelation, Ghosh’s questioning as to whether the world of Bomma and Ben Yiju could be made relevant to the modern era seems to settle on a pessimistic conclusion. However, while ending the chapter Ghosh suggests another possibility. Ghosh learns that Abu-Hasira was still honored across cultures. While this too was under threat by a modernizing tendency to dismiss superstition (that is pervasive both throughout the villages and in Ghosh’s Mangalore exploration), the links between peoples that once existed are evidently not yet completely forgotten.
By Amitav Ghosh