logo

49 pages 1 hour read

Philippe Bourgois

In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1995

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Chapters 3-4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3 Summary: “Crackhouse Management: Addiction, Discipline, and Dignity”

In “Living with Crack,” Bourgois tackles the management of Ray’s crackhouse, the Game Room. The crackhouse was actually owned by Primo’s first cousin, Felix. Felix, however, was a horrible manager. He spent his time and energy preying on female addicts like teenage girls, using his influence to gain sexual favors. Bourgois notes that Primo was one of Felix’s best customers during the early crack epidemic in 1985. Primo admits he was a huge user, and he tells Bourgois some of the things he dealt with while using. Primo recalls a time when he was high and saw a Mexican man sleeping in the lobby of a building. The man had a gold ring on and didn’t look homeless. Primo asked the man for the time and when the man flashed his ring, Primo grabbed him and placed a knife at his back. He threatened the man and admits to Bourgois that he really would have stabbed him if the man hadn’t complied. Primo then goes on a rant about how Mexicans are "a joke" (79)and nothing like Puerto Ricans. He, his friend, and a girl he was seeing then robbed the man and took his ring. He also admits that they tricked the girl. They left her in the park with nothing while they took the gold chain and the ring and sold it. Caesar also admits that he enjoys consuming crack. He likens the feeling to eating potato chips: "You can't have just one. You need more, 'cause it's good" (80).

The narrative then returns to Felix’s story. Felix’s downfall came when he met up with one of his sexual conquests in a hotel, and his wife, Candy, found out. She went to the hotel, but Felix tried to jump out the window, only to break his foot on the fall. He then asked Primo to help out in the crackhouse while his foot healed. With Primo there, business got better. Primo also found himself going straight and devoting more time to managing than using. This was almost sidelined, however, when Candy shot Felix in the stomach for his extramarital affairs. When Felix healed, he was sent to prison for an unrelated weapons charge, and Candy sold the business to Ray, who had just come from prison himself.

Ray, it turns out, is a brilliant and adept manager for the Game Room. One of the things he does to turn a profit is to take a higher profit margin from his workers. Ray also plays to the cultural norms of his fellow Puerto Ricans by respecting these norms while also instilling fear through violence. He expertly shows others that he isn’t vulnerable, and that he can even be friendly when he wants. The Puerto Rican constructs of respect—"age, gender, and kinship" (53)—works in Ray’s favor as well. Most of those who work for him are related in some way or other, and he plays on this loyalty. One example given is when he asks Primo to be a godfather to one of his sons. This maneuver establishes a "compadre relationship" (82), or a familial bond through friendship. The compadre relationship is a powerful cultural norm in Puerto Rican culture, one that eschews solitary action for group action, and one that requires reciprocal actions among men. Ray also uses the fact that Puerto Rican culture dictates that women often set-up "serial households"(82) over the course of their lives, thereby connecting friends and family even more.

In “Curbing Addiction and Channeling Violence,” Bourgois takes a closer look at violence among his subjects. Even though Primo and Caesar are close friends, Caesar is prone to violent outbursts that come about from drugs and alcohol. The others have to detain him and stop him from going too far in the Game Room at times. Hebinges on crack every pay period, and then borrows or steals from even his friends. Despite these flaws, Primo admits that Caesar does an excellent job at being a lookout for the Game Room. One of the most important jobs for workers in the crackhouse is making sure no one disrespects Ray or the crackhouse. Only one person, a young man who was high on angel dust, dared to disrespect Ray in his business by starting an argument. Bourgois says the young man was carried away from the crackhouse with "a fractured skull" (88). Caesar jokes that his rage has a plus side. Namely, that he collects monthly checks for his illness, and that he aids this by attempting suicide occasionally. 

Even though Primo hired Caesar and trusts him, Ray doesn’t trust Caesar, which is why he’s never been formally initiated into Ray’s network. Caesar knows this, however, but doesn’t stop from aspiring to rise in Ray’s network. Caesar also knows that if he is ever sent to jail, Ray has his back. Ray might not trust him because of his anger issues, but he will help get him out. He knows how useful Caesar is for the Game Room’s security. Bourgois then turns to the interesting case of Benzie, who was hired to replace Caesar as lookout when Caesar had a falling out due to his crack addiction. Benzie actually had a legal job as a janitor, but he didn’t like how he was treated. Oddly enough, he was able to use his job under Primo as a way to diminish his drug habit: "He managed to limit his alcohol and cocaine-cum-heroin binging to weekends" (95). When he became a street seller, he had to have all of his wits and so went "straight" (81).

Bourgois next looks at spending. He notes that spending large amounts of money as soon as one gets it is not something unique to the underground economy and to people like Primo and Caesar. Because America is built on an infrastructure of material goods and services, even white- and blue-collar legal workers are guilty of spending "income windfalls" (91). It’s just that those in poverty, or those in his study of East Harlem, are more noticeable. Crack dealers also have fewer avenues to spend money legally, thereby reinforcing the underground economy with their money. For those like Primo, payment often comes in piece-rate commission. This means that Primo is paid based upon how well, or how much, he sells. Primo admits to Bourgois that he’d like a legal job, as many in the underworld of East Harlem would, but there aren’t enough opportunities for them. Bourgois notes that despite their desire to do and be better, many of his subjects are not able to make the connection between dependency and outcome. In other words, their reliance on drugs and need for crack as a source of income vies with their desire for legal work.

In the next section, “Management-Labor Conflict at the Game Room,” Bourgois outlines conflicts between Ray and his employees, most notably his war with Primo. To make more profit, Ray kept his other business, the Social Club, open for a 16-hour shift, meaning the bar was open every day except Sunday. He also spruced up the Social Club while neglecting the Game Room. This move allowed him to expand his power of influence over his employees, but ultimately led to a showdown between Ray and Primo when Primo was demoted to a senior salesman from the position of manager. Another employee, Tony, was then hired, thereby limiting Primo to working only two nights a week. Ray told Primo that the changes were due to his excessive tardiness and his inability to stop violence from breaking out at the Game Room. Primo retaliated by becoming more dependent on drugs and alcohol and by being even more tardy, which in turn caused Ray to fire him outright for two-week probationary periods.

Conflict also arose between Caesar and Ray. Caesar was subcontracted through Primo, but when Ray and Caesar got into arguments, Ray demanded that Primo fire Caesar. Primo refused, causing Ray to change Caesar’s work schedule as well. These changes meant that Caesar no longer worked on the coveted Thursday spot. This night was important because municipal workers got paid and spent their checks on Thursday night, meaning the night’s worker received a nice payout. These conflicts continued, and Bourgois next shows how Caesar and Primo internalized these workforce problems by joining together in their hatred for Tony. Tony, feeling slighted, then did his best to antagonize Caesar and Primo. Things were looking bleak when three bundles of crack mysteriously disappeared. The crack was inside the Pac-Man machine where it’s always kept, but disappeared between Primo’s Tuesday night shift and Tony’s Wednesday night shift. Everyone claimed innocence, with Ray wanting to kill or seriously injure the culprit. The next night another three bundles were stolen, angering Ray further. Because he couldn’t tell who stole the crack, he deducted the money from both Tony and Primo, but sales were so bad that he had to give them payment plans to repay him. Even though many people, including Bourgois, believed that Caesar was the culprit, it turned out to be Gato, the "jack-of-all-trades maintenance worker" (104). He’d fixed the Game Room so that there were false floorboards and was able to sneak into the Game Room when no one was around.

The people who surround the Game Room work as eyes and ears for Primo. As lookout, he provides these people with beer and occasional drugs. Primo befriends them to ensure their loyalty, something that Bourgois mentions is essential to keeping the Game Room out of trouble. Those in the street can warn Primo of violence before it starts and can help him in determining whether strangers are just new customers or undercover narcotics agents. Primo makes sure he doesn’t sell to people he doesn’t know or trust, and this helps the Game Room stay safe from the law.

Bourgois next turns to the sad state of the neighborhood itself to explain how the Game Room is also successful in not being raided constantly by the police. For starters, inner-city police are themselves "demoralized" (109). Other factors are incompetence and corruption. Cops who are fervent and adamant about their jobs in the neighborhood are unable to make the connections they need to find leads. Bourgois uses the example of himself, a white man who, even after he began attending police events to help combat drugs on the streets, was never recognized by local police on the street even after living there for more than five years.

Chapter 4 Summary: “‘Goin’ Legit’: Disrespect and Resistance at Work”

Most of the people in Ray’s network, including Ray, have had some experience in the legal job market. Most enter the legal market when they are young, but by 21 years of age, have left the legal market for the underground economy. Bourgois turns again to the shifting labor market to help explain. He notes how "second-generation inner-city Puerto Ricans were trapped in the most vulnerable niche of a factory-based economy" (114) that grew from the 1950s to the 1980s. Due to the economy and additional changes in demand, these same jobs decreased from the 1950s to the 1990s while service sector jobs managed to double. The one constant from legal to illegal jobs is poverty, and the jobs that are found in the legal market are often the least desirable jobs. Even when individuals like Primo and Ray were fired from their legal jobs, they returned to dealing drugs as if victorious, marking their return to the underground economy as an expression "of free will and resistance" (115).

In another recording, Primo tells Bourgois that he knows he is "lazy" (117) and that this is why he doesn’t have a legal job. He doesn’t like the idea of working at a minimum-wage job with no prospects and despises the thought of being tied to that job for most of his day. Caesar, too, admits fault. He also had a legal job before but lost it. He also admits that his mistake was using crack while trying to maintain a legal job. When he was fired, he returned to selling crack. Now, the money he receives from working in the Game Room is for drugs. He’s in a constant cycle of using and abusing, even though he knows it’s something that only he can change. He’s not worried about a house or food, however, as his current girlfriend has food stamps and welfare that she uses to feeds him when he doesn’t have money.

In “First Fired–Last Hired,” Bourgois recalls Primo’s attempt at "going straight" (81) and the devastation this failure caused internally. Although Primo had imagined that he could reenter the workforce whenever he needed to, when the 1989 to 1991 recession hit, Primo couldn’t find work. Now in his mid-20s, he’d been out of the workplace for too long, leaving younger people to take his place. After a large group of employees refused to hire him, Primo placed the blame on his employment counselor despite that Primo was often late to meetings and had gaps in his resume. He even accused the counselor of being on drugs and losing his file. This rejection caused Primo to spire further into substance abuse. This feeling of being "too old"(121) and not qualified enough to work even entry-level jobs caused a significant amount of psychological depression. Primo progressively turned to drug and alcohol abuse to deal with his failure to procure a job. He also took out his anger on his girlfriend. One example of this is when she lost her job at a fast-food chain and Primo became angry at her for not being able to provide, even though this was a reversal of traditional gender roles.

Caesar had also once been excited about the prospect of “goin' legit” (132). When Ray opened a bodega in the neighborhood, he asked Caesar to work for him. Both were excited about the prospect of honest work, as was Primo when he was also brought into the new business venture. Even though everyone felt elated about this new chance to become bona fide members of the legal workforce, when Ray couldn’t obtain the right permits from the city, the bodega was abandoned. While Ray’s business wasn’t even opened a day legally, he operated it 10 days illegally. He soon realized that there wasn’t a demand for the bodega, and after a contractor stole his merchandise and fled to Puerto Rico, Ray gave up on the dream of a legal business and returned Primo and Caesar to selling crack.

In the next section, Bourgois shows just how ingrained "institutionalized racism" (145) is in the workforce. At one of Primo’s legal jobs, his boss treated him as an illiterate inferior, even talking about him to others behind his back. At one point he had to look up in a dictionary the word "illiterate," only to find that she was calling him dumb. This type of attack on self-worth is something that Primo doesn’t have to deal with in the underground economy. His boss even forbade him to answer phones because of his Puerto Rican accent. Primo was unable to abandon his street culture identity to appease his boss. Bourgois shows how the legal workforce doesn’t take culture and identity into account, thereby espousing institutionalized racism, which in turn sends individuals back to less acceptable means of income earning. This “diss” is made all the more apparent by the fact that many bosses at the entry-level are female: "Hence the constant references to bosses and supervisors being 'bitches' or 'ho's'" (146). This fact pits "the machismo of street culture" (146) against gender, highlighting how much of what drug dealers like Primo and Caesar contend with is outlined by sexist and racist modes of behavior. Another example of seeming disrespect came when a boss wanted Primo to go back to school. Primo saw this as disrespect in that he only wanted to work and didn’t want someone telling him what to do or how to live his life.

Bourgois next delves into "symbolic power" (157). He brings up the fact that Primo and others refuse to be marginalized in mainstream culture, like in adhering to office dress codes. The refusal to compromise on street culture is a rejection of this marginalization and also a reaction against looking vulnerable. Street clothes play a symbolic role in identity, even though in mainstream culture this identity is romanticized and often presented without the pain of poverty or social marginalization attached to it. When these youth enter the legal workforce, their identity, as seen in their physical appearance, is attacked and critiqued: "[S]een through the eyes of mainstream America, an inner-city youth's preoccupation with "fly clothes" only confirms a stereotype of immaturity, petty irrationality, or even personal pathology" (158). Caesar talks about not knowing when his clothing will get him in trouble at work and the powerlessness this brings about.

At one point, Bourgois initiates a job training program. He has all the workers from the Social Club attend. Primo is the first person to leave the program. He admits that he feels ashamed about his clothing and appearance, and that he won’t be hired on this basis. Primo doesn’t even know what type of clothing would be acceptable in the legal workplace. In “The New-Immigrant Alternative,” Bourgois continues this train of thought by revealing how Primo wanted to secure a union job. He managed to find a job as a janitor at hotels around Times Square. He liked how his coworkers openly argued against their Jewish boss, whom Primo hated. Two weeks shy of getting union tenure, however, he was laid off. Primo blamed "the new immigrants 'invading' their neighborhoods and labor markets"(169) for his failure. He and Caesar then railed against all the new immigrants, like Mexicans, who were encroaching on the neighborhood and making things worse for them. Bourgois notes how it was once the Italian-Americans who were abusing Puerto Ricans for the very same issues.

In the final section, Bourgois notes that the best hope for Puerto Ricans in East Harlem is to obtain a job in the FIRE sector, which is primarily based on finance, insurance, and real estate and is the fastest growing sector in the city. These job positions—including mailroom clerks, photocopiers, and receptionists—allow for promotions, which mean "upward mobility" (170). Bourgois lists the example of Caesar’s cousin, an individual who "'made it' in the legal economy" (172) and was able to pull himself out of the underground economy: "He maintained a stable white-collar job in an insurance agency and had moved his family to the suburbs" (172). Caesar’s cousin also told Bourgois that he didn’t compromise on his identity when he became a Jehovah’s Witness, meaning that to him, it was "a religious conversion" (172) and not a cultural or ethnic one. Although Caesar's cousin is not ashamed of this change in lifestyle, he also admitted that he had to constantly hide his success when returning to El Barrio to visit his family.

Chapters 3-4 Analysis

Bourgois looks at several factors that help his subjects in the underground economy be effective at what they do. He admits that despite Ray being a drug dealer, he is a very competent manager and would do well in a legal environment as such. Ray was able to take the Game Room from disrepair under the control of Felix, who used it to garner sexual favors, and make it into a profitable business. Ray was also able to wield violence in conjunction with an appeal to Puerto Rican norms of respect and kinship. Ray is even willing to discipline workers like Primo and Caesar for threatening his street cred with their "sloppy" (172) work ethic or when he sees a better way to make more money. "Corrupt" and "demoralized"(109) cops aid the Game Room as well as drug dealers. These "incompetent" (172) cops are a symptom of crumbling infrastructure, and this neglect, while bad for the neighborhood, is great for illegal business.

Chapter 4 introduces several concepts that help to explain the thought process behind many of Bourgois’s subjects in El Barrio, including "institutionalized racism" (145) and street culture. Both Primo and Caesar deal with institutionalized racism when seeking legal jobs. Institutionalized racism means that those in middle-class working America don’t seek to understand the culture of individuals like Primo or Caesar. Instead, Primo and Caesar are supposed to abandon their culture in favor of workplace and/or mainstream culture. This is impossible for these individuals, however, as their identities are rooted both in jíbaro sentiments like respect and self-worth and street culture. Street culture, which exhibits sexism and racism, places a correlation between clothing and "vulnerability" (158). In having female or minority bosses and being forced to wear office attire, these individuals are rendered vulnerable. Their self-worth and need for respect are attacked. Because of this, when they are fired from these jobs, they return to the underground economy in "triumph" (115). The underground economy allows them to forego feelings of disrespect and vulnerability.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
blurred text