60 pages • 2 hours read
Tanya TalagaA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Content Warning: In this section, Talaga describes child abuse, sexual and gender-based violence, drug and alcohol use, and death by suicide. Additionally, to highlight racism and apathy toward Indigenous communities, she reproduces offensive terms that non-Indigenous Canadians often use to describe Indigenous peoples.
Talaga begins Chapter 2 by recounting one of her conversations with the new NAN grand chief, Alvin Fiddler. Fiddler was heavily involved in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and in trying to stop the high rate of death by suicide among Indigenous teenagers. Fiddler asks Talaga about Raith, which is a small town about an hour west of Thunder Bay. Most white Canadians have never heard of Raith. As a child, Talaga spent summers in Raith, which is where her mom grew up. Talaga tells Fiddler that she plans to write a book on the seven fallen feathers. He encourages her to start with the death of Chanie Wenjack, who died in 1966. Talaga had never heard of Chanie.
Talaga turns to the Cecilia Jeffrey Indian Residential School, which Chanie attended in the late 1960s. She speaks with Elder Thomas White, who shows her hundreds of photographs of the students, including Pearl Wenjack, Chanie’s sister. The names of most students remain unknown. Moreover, none of the photos include Chanie. Pearl didn’t attend school the year Chanie died. She stayed home to help take care of her siblings because their mom had uterine cancer. One afternoon, an unscheduled plane landed in their community. Pearl went to greet the plane and was met by the Cecilia Jeffrey principal, her siblings, and her mom. They said that Chanie had disappeared.
Chanie never tried to run away from the school until October 16, 1966. At age 12, he ran away with two of his friends, Ralph and Jackie MacDonald. The boys slipped through an opening in the fence that encircled the school and ran to the home of Ralph and Jackie’s uncle, Charles Kelly, who lived in a small community 16 miles from the school. Nine other students tried to escape on the same day, highlighting that “something must have been going on within the school” (80). Chanie’s other friend made it to Charles’s home too. Soon, Charles, Ralph, and Jackie called Chanie “the stranger” (81). Charles told Chanie that he needed to make his way home on his own. However, his home was still several hundred miles away. Chanie intended to follow the railway. Railway workers found Chanie’s body on October 23, 1966. He died from hunger and exposure to the elements.
Pearl learned two decades later that someone at Cecilia Jeffrey sexually abused her brother and his friends. While it wasn’t a principal or teacher, she doesn’t know their identity. This is likely why so many students tried to escape on the same day as Chanie and his friends. They ran from the horrible conditions they faced at the school.
In Chapter 3, Talaga explains the origin of Dennis Franklin Cromarty (DFC) High School. After the federal government closed the residential schools, Indigenous communities in remote parts of the country didn’t have access to local schools. Although the government, especially the Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) department, was supposed to help close this education gap, they failed to do so. Indigenous families still had to send their children to schools in urban areas. Canada’s office of Auditor General, a branch of the Parliament of Canada responsible for conducting audits of federal departments, raised the alarm in 2000 that the “INAC had no idea if the money it was spending was helping to close the woefully large education gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous children” (101). The Auditor General underscored that the INAC needed to resolve performance problems so that it could better serve Indigenous children.
In the absence of government support, tribal councils banded together to build schools for their children. DFC High School in Thunder Bay was one such school. Talaga notes that “it was a place of hope for many” (101) since it was one of the first Indigenous-run schools. Guidance counselors were assigned to each student, a nurse and Elder were on staff each day, and teachers were on call all the time. With these practices, the DFC staff hoped to help students adjust to their new environment.
Unfortunately, the school had its first disappearance and death within one month of opening. Fifteen-year-old Jethro Anderson was the first of the seven fallen feathers. Jethro’s friend, Shawon Wavy (who was the same age), saw Jethro the night he disappeared. Both had attended a party near the Kam. Shawon recalls seeing Jethro, who was likely intoxicated, get into a fight with several other teenagers. Shawon left the party shortly thereafter.
On the evening that Jethro disappeared, his mom, Stella Anderson, saw a wolf. In Indigenous tradition, a wolf always carries a message. Stella learned two days later that Jethro was missing.
Dora’s aunt, whom Jethro boarded with, became increasingly worried when Jethro didn’t report home at curfew. She and her husband drove around the streets the next day, looking for him. Unable to find Jethro, Dora called the police, who didn’t take her call seriously. Dora had to physically walk into the Thunder Bay Police station for them to file a missing person’s report. Dora continued to search for Jethro and was joined by other Indigenous searchers and Jethro’s parents but not the police. Eventually, the police recovered Jethro’s hat. Dora had to beg the police to search the river. As Talaga notes, “She had a feeling. She knew that Jethro was in the water” (119). The police recovered Jethro’s body from the water several weeks after his disappearance. They ruled out foul play as the cause of Jethro’s death, despite the mystery surrounding his disappearance.
In response to Jethro’s death, the Northern Nishnawbe Education Council (NNEC) asked Bob Pearce, a Ministry of Education supervisory officer with 33 years of experience in the Canadian education system, to conduct an operational report of Dennis Franklin and one other high school. After 100 interviews and 190 questionnaires, Pearce made several recommendations. He suggested that Dennis Franklin should accept only students in 11th and 12th grade. The other high school should accept younger students, who were less mature, to give them time to adjust. Another investigation, which looked at the NNEC operation and leadership, reached similar findings.
In 2004, Canada’s Auditor General office once again highlighted the failure of the INAC to provide a high-quality education to Indigenous children and close the education gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous children, even suggesting that “the department had set back progress in education in First Nation communities” (127); it would now take another year to close this education gap.
In the same year, educational consultant Jerry Paquette reviewed the NNEC. He spent a year interviewing its board members, teachers, and students and studied the system. In his final report, which produced 81 recommendations, he blasted the NNEC’s lack of communication with Indigenous communities about education decisions, adding that the NNEC ignored parents’ concerns and failed to notify them when their children went missing. Paquette’s findings echoed those of Bob Pearce.
Both Paquette and Pearce argued that Dennis Franklin should be only for older students. In addition, Paquette wanted the NNEC to build a residential hall for students at DFC and stated that the rules around boarding parents needed to be reexamined and made stricter. For all these reasons, Paquette recommended the creation of a “joint arbitration style board” (129) that included local Indigenous community members and members of the NNEC and INAC. Once this board implemented his recommendations, he wanted control over Indigenous children’s education returned to Indigenous communities. He warned that failure to make changes would exacerbate harm to Indigenous children by the current education system.
Indigenous communities face high rates of death by suicide, particularly among youth. Pikangikum First Nation, or “Pik,” is one example. Pik lacks basic necessities, including running water, plumbing, and heat. Talaga notes that “extreme hopelessness and poverty” (135) led to Pik’s having one of the world’s highest rates of death by suicide. The community lost nearly five percent of its community members to death by suicide over a 20-year period. Children, facing abusive homes, turn to alcohol and drug use to numb their despair.
Pik sent all its children, including 18-year-old Curran Strang, to Dennis Franklin. Curran had been at Dennis Franklin for several years but struggled with his studies. He befriended James Benson. Both boys came from religious families, and Curran struggled with being so far from home. As a result, he started hanging out with a group of kids that partied. Numerous police reports for public intoxication and underage drinking and school occurrence reports were filed starting when he was 16 years old. Curran sought help from school authorities several times, especially after several people he knew, including close friends and family members, died by suicide. His drinking increased after these deaths.
James saw Curran on the night he disappeared—September 22, 2005—at the Intercity mall. Curran asked James to help him buy beer, but James refused. James notes that “when Curran walked away from him, an ominous feeling washed over James. He knew in his heart that he would never see his friend alive again” (151). Like Jethro Anderson, no one knows what happened to Curran between the time he was last seen and the recovery of his body from the Kam. Police ruled his death an accident. Rates of death by suicide spiked at Pik one year after Curran’s death, highlighting the despair that children from Pik felt and their inability to get medical and well-being care.
Talaga’s goal is to challenge the notion that Indigenous peoples living in Canada have the same rights and opportunities as their white counterparts. She does this by focusing on both individual and collective stories about Indigenous peoples’ experiences with racism and apathy. By telling the individual stories of Chanie, Jethro, and Curran, she helps convey the specific challenges they and others face when they’re forced to move to Thunder Bay within a society that still doesn’t accept Indigenous peoples’ cultures and traditions. In addition, their stories highlight that they’re more than just three kids who died. Rather, they were all kids who had spirit and dreams—and whose deaths left behind gaping holes in their families and communities. By focusing on the collective stories, Talaga highlights how racism and apathy are part of the very fabric of Canadian society because they’re structural in nature and embedded deep within all major institutions.
Talaga continues to build on the theme of The Failure of Policing and Justice Systems to protect Indigenous peoples. Chanie’s family was never told about the inquest, which “is an investigation run by medical professionals with the sole intention of learning lessons from the dead in order to protect the living” (85). The inquest made four recommendations—none of which the family had the chance to discuss or provide their opinions on. Several decades later, Pearl demanded another inquest, “a proper one where Chanie’s family could participate” (89). She especially wanted this inquest to occur since it seemed like history was repeating itself with the deaths of the children in Thunder Bay.
Just as the police failed Chanie and his family, the police failed Jethro and his family. Jethro was deeply afraid of water. For this reason, his family believed that it was unlikely he would have gone into the river on his own accord. However, the police never conducted a thorough investigation as to how Jethro ended up in the river. Instead, they simply declared that he’d died from accidental drowning and closed his case. Decades of similar occurrences between the police and Indigenous communities have made Indigenous communities mistrustful of the police. An especially telling example is when Nathan, Jethro’s cousin, didn’t tell the police for 10 years about hearing at a bar that a man might have accidentally killed his Jethro. When the lawyer for Thunder Bay’s police asked Nathan why he didn’t tell them, he replied, “No, I didn’t tell them, ‘cause I don’t trust the Thunder Bay Police” (124). His statement underscores the community’s mistrust and lack of faith in the police, which the police’s apathetic attitude toward the Indigenous community breeds.
In addition, Talaga reveals the legacy of intergenerational trauma. Many survivors of residential schools never received medical help so that they could process the trauma of sexual abuses and other ravages they experienced at these schools. This trauma prevented them from being able to parent. Many of the children in this story came from homes in which alcohol use and physical or sexual abuse was common. These behaviors directly tie back to residential schools. Moreover, poor nutrition and the resulting undiagnosed or untreated diabetes and lack of access to healthcare—which result from extreme poverty—have physically and mentally destroyed many Indigenous peoples. These collective traumas, passed down through generations, often lead to feelings of despair and hopelessness, which helps explain the high rates of death by suicide in Indigenous communities in rural northwestern Ontario. Talaga depicts this intergeneration trauma in the hopes that readers, especially those who identify as white, realize the importance of getting involved and helping end the cycle of destruction.
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