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Henry Louis Gates Jr.A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Chapter 1 of Stony the Road presents the contemporary US against the backdrop of the post-Civil War era. It begins with the 2008 election of Barack Obama to the US presidency, which Gates compares to three momentous events in Black history: the Emancipation Proclamation (1863), the legal abolishment of enslavement with the ratification of the 13th Amendment (1865), and the Reconstruction Acts that reintegrated the South into the Union (1867-68). For many commentators, Obama’s election marked the “dawn of a post-racial America” (2). It also revived the metaphor of the “New Negro”—a “new” type of Black person who was educated, eloquent, and elegant. For Gates, the evocation of the New Negro connected Obama’s presidency to the post-Reconstruction era, the period in which the term was coined to combat rising racism in the South. Gates compares the dismantling of Reconstruction gains during Redemption and Jim Crow to the rollback of Obama-era policies by the alt-right under the leadership of Obama’s successor, Donald J. Trump. According to Gates, the election of the first Black president triggered a public expression of white supremacy that harkened back to the post-Reconstruction era.
A Look at Reconstruction
This section focuses on the resurgence of white supremacy during Reconstruction. In 1863, less than five months after Union armies defeated the Confederate States, Abraham Lincoln called for “a new birth of freedom” during his Gettysburg Address (6). The status of formerly enslaved people changed after Congress passed the Civil Rights Act and after the ratification of the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments, which abolished enslavement, granted citizenship to formerly enslaved people, and gave Black men the right to vote, respectively. Congress also passed four Military Reconstruction Acts that prevented the southern states from depriving “any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law [or] deny[ing] to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws” (7). The effects of Reconstruction were far reaching, with Black men soon holding positions in every level of government, including the Senate and Congress. Reconstruction gains, however, eroded during the Redemption period, when white southerners made concerted efforts to strip Black people of their rights and paved the way for Jim Crow segregation. Gates points to the erosion of Reconstruction gains as evidence of white people’s lack of commitment to racial equality in the North and South: Supporting the abolition of enslavement did not mean that white people believed formerly enslaved people should have equal rights. The Civil War ended enslavement, but it did not end anti-Black racism.
A Second Slavery
This section centers on the South’s exploitation of Black labor to support its cotton economy. Ruined by the political and economic effects of the Civil War, plantation owners devised the sharecropping system, whereby white landlords allowed Black people to use their land in exchange for a share of the crop. The system indebted them to landowners, kept them poor, and enriched white landlords. White supremacy justified this “second slavery,” which emerged alongside Reconstruction-era policies.
“A War of Ideas”
This section addresses post-Civil War propaganda. The southern Lost Cause myth promoted the idea that the Civil War was not about enslavement or treason, but was instead a heroic battle against federal overreach. Lost Cause advocates accepted the end of enslavement but not Black equality; some even argued that enslavement benefitted Black people by Christianizing them. Meanwhile, Northern activists combated anti-Black propaganda. For example, Frederick Douglass shaped his own image by writing three autobiographies and sitting for photographs to counter negative stereotypes of Black people. With words and images, then, Douglass combatted white supremacy long after the Civil War ended. Douglass’s activities coincided with Reconstruction, a period of optimism in Black communities fueled by newfound freedoms and rights.
Opposition
This section addresses the opposition to Reconstruction, focusing on Black people’s right to vote. White people across the South used violence and intimidation to prevent Black men from voting. Opposition also occurred at the government level. President Andrew Johnson, for instance, opposed Black voting rights during an 1866 meeting at the White House, claiming that supporting Black suffrage violated the notion of federal nonintervention and that states should have control of such decisions. President Johnson reiterated his position in an 1867 address to Congress, in which he also promoted white supremacist ideas of Black inferiority. By 1890, momentum for Reconstruction had ebbed, while white supremacy flourished, in part because the courts failed to enforce Black suffrage.
How Did Reconstruction Fail?
In this section, Gates outlines the ways in which white supremacists used the court system and the legislature to dismantle Reconstruction. Upheaval after the Panic of 1873 (a financial crisis that triggered an economic recession), a shift in priorities in the North, violence, intimidation, and fraud gave white Democrats control of Southern state governments from 1869 onward. These governments closed integrated schools, preventing Black people from furthering their education. Moves at the federal level also eroded Reconstruction gains. In 1865, President Andrew Jackson reversed a federal order to redistribute former plantation lands to Black people, only allowing those who had paid for their land to remain on them. Judges and legislators at both the state and federal levels also dismantled Black rights. For example, in 1876, the Supreme Court struck down sections of the Enforcement Act (United States v. Reese), ruling that the 15th Amendment did not guarantee the right to vote but only prevented race-based limitations on voting, thereby empowering states to set their own qualification for voting. The Supreme Court also struck down a section of the Ku Klux Klan Act in 1883 (United States v. Harris), ruling that the 13th and 14th Amendments applied only to the actions of states, not individuals. In 1896, the Supreme Court further restricted civil rights by ruling against a biracial man who was jailed after sitting in a white-only train car in Louisiana (Plessy v. Ferguson). The federal government’s refusal to intervene in rights violations emboldened southern Democrats to replace their Reconstruction-era constitutions with new constitutions that included disenfranchisement provisions. Court cases and legislation eventually enshrined Jim Crow segregation and reinforced white supremacy. Despite attacks, however, Reconstruction initiatives continued to surface from the late 19th century until the rise of the civil rights movement in the 1950s.
Backlash: The White Resistance to Black Reconstruction
This section consists entirely of images, some of which present Black people in a negative fashion, others of which depict well-known activists, such as Frederick Douglass. Their juxtaposition illustrates how visual culture was weaponized against Black people, and how some Black people responded to these attacks.
Connecting the contemporary US to the post-Civil War era is one of the most important contributions of Gates’s book. Gates draws parallels between the white supremacist backlash sparked by Obama’s presidency (2009-17) and the dismantling of Reconstruction gains by white southern Democrats during the Redemption and Jim Crow years. Just as white supremacists attacked the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments using the courts and legislature after Reconstruction, Trump explicitly aimed to roll back Obama’s achievements throughout his single-term presidency (2017-21). Trump’s actions included withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal in 2018, which unraveled a key foreign policy achievement of the Obama administration (Landler, Mark. “Trump Abandons Iran Nuclear Deal He Long Scorned.” The New York Times, 8 May 2018). In addition to attacking Obama’s foreign policy achievements, Trump sought to dismantle his predecessor’s domestic policies, notably, the 2010 Affordable Care Act (ACA), which dramatically increased government funding for healthcare and provided more government oversight of the private insurance industry. Despite Trump’s promise to repeal and replace the ACA, however, the law remains intact. Trump also failed to reverse the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), a program introduced by Obama to provide some undocumented individuals brought to the US as children access to work permits. In 2023, however, the US District Court for the Southern District of Texas ruled that DACA was unlawful, demonstrating that the attacks on Obama’s legacy continue to this day (“Important Update on Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals.” US Citizenship and Immigration Services).
The resurgence of white supremacy during the Obama years fueled violence, intimidation, and the proliferation of racist imagery, as evidenced by the January 6 attack on the US Capitol by far-right extremists and a West Virginia mayor’s endorsement of a comment comparing Michelle Obama to “a [sic] Ape in heels” (“Michelle Obama ‘Ape in Heels’ Post Causes Outrage.” BBC, 17 Nov. 2016). For Gates, the backlash against Obama’s presidency is of a piece with the backlash against Reconstruction, making the post-Reconstruction period one of the most relevant for understanding contemporary US society.
In addition to drawing parallels between the past and present, Chapter 1 addresses The Legacy of Enslavement, a recurring theme in Gates’s book. As Gates observes, enslavement ended legally with the ratification of the 13th Amendment, but this did not result in the end of anti-Black racism. Indeed, white southern Democrats eroded Reconstruction gains using the courts and the federal and state legislatures. Gates cites relevant court cases to support these claims, including United States v. Reese, which struck down key sections of the Enforcement Act by ruling that the 15th Amendment did not guarantee the right to vote; United States v. Harris, which struck down a section of the Ku Klux Klan Act and ruled that the 13th and 14th Amendments applied to the actions of states rather than individuals; and Plessy v. Ferguson, a ruling that legalized Jim Crow segregation. Gates also stresses enslavement’s legacy in his discussion of President Andrew Johnson, who expressed anti-Black views on at least two occasions: first, during an 1866 meeting at the White House, when he claimed that Black suffrage violated federal noninterventionist policies, and second during an 1867 address to Congress, when he argued that Black people “have shown less capacity for government than any other race of people […] Wherever they have been left to their own devices they have shown a constant tendency to relapse into barbarism” (27). As Gates observes, enslavement and the ideology underpinning it, white supremacy, did not end in 1865, they simply evolved. Understanding this evolution is crucial to understanding how anti-Black racism manifests itself in contemporary US society.
Gates draws on a plethora of sources in Stony the Road, resulting in a rich, well-supported narrative that traces Reconstruction gains, backlash during the Redemption and Jim Crow eras, and Black responses to persistent anti-Black racism. In his discussion of white resistance to Black suffrage, for example, Gates cites Wendell Phillips, a Boston abolitionist and supporter of Frederick Douglass. Phillips worried about extending voting rights to Black men, claiming that the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 “frees the slave and ignores the negro” (13). For Gates, Phillip’s beliefs exemplify the white resistance to racial equality, even in abolitionist circles. Gates also includes more overt examples of racism in his book, including quotes by President Andrew Johnson, who referred to Douglass and other Black people using the n-word. Quotes exemplifying the pushback against anti-Black racism further enrich Gates’s portrait of post-Reconstruction America. For example, he cites Lewis Carter, a Black congressional preacher who questioned Johnson’s leadership:
That old ship, the institution of slavery is dead, and I am glad of it. Shall I employ its captain or its manager to bear me through the ocean again? [Cheers, and voice No! No!]. Is it because I am angry with the captain? No. It is because I have lost confidence in him. How can we, as a people, support those that have vowed to enslave us (23).
In addition to drawing on varied sources, Gates uses statistics to support his arguments about post-Civil War America—for example, to showcase Black gains in the political sphere: “During the longer Reconstruction era […] an estimated two thousand black men served in office at every level of government, including two US senators and twenty congressmen” (8). Gates also uses statistics to support his argument that the exploitation of Black labor continued after emancipation, citing studies that show that global cotton consumption doubled from 1860 to 1890, then doubled again by 1920 (16). Statistics also capture the violence and intimidation tactics of white supremacists: “White vigilantes lynched an estimated four hundred black people across the South between 1868 and 1871. In rural central Kentucky alone, white mobs lynched as many as two dozen African Americans each year between 1867 and 1871” (26). According to Gates, a key motivation for the lynchings was to intimidate Black men and prevent them from voting. Gates uses evocative language to describe white supremacy in the post-Reconstruction years, calling it “a terrorist campaign against the freedmen and freedwomen, waged not only through physical violence and intimidation, but also through a massive wave of propaganda hell-bent on permanently devaluing the freed people’s very humanity” (4). This vividness of language is typical of Gates’s writing and contributes to readability of his book.