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Henry Louis Gates Jr.A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Chapter 3 centers on Sambo art, a genre of art that utilized racist imagery on everyday objects. Sambo art presented Black and white people in oppositional terms, characterizing the former as deceitful, ugly, evil, and uncivilized. Gates argues that Sambo images, which were easily consumed, digested, and internalized, formed part of a rhetoric of terrorism throughout the Reconstruction, Redemption, and Jim Crow eras. The images reinforced the racism of the courts, politicians, journalists, and novelists, normalizing the idea that Black people were subhuman.
Sambo art appeared in varied contexts, including books, trading cards, advertisements, children’s games, potholders, and other everyday objects. Their popularity was such that when a white person encountered a Black person, they already had fixed notions of that person’s character. Gates singles out lynching postcards as a subgenre of anti-Black Sambo imagery. Alongside other racist images and texts, these postcards emboldened white people to commit murder. The visual rhetoric of white supremacy eroded Reconstruction gains and drowned out the achievements of Black people. The New Negro movement, in which Black Americans crafted a counternarrative to white supremacy, strived to subvert these racist stereotypes.
Miscegenation
In this section, Gates argues that the characterization of Black men as sexual predators grew out of irrational fears of miscegenation, or interracial relationships. These fears emerged before the Civil War and grew over time. Caricatures of interracial relationships circulated widely in the antebellum period and during the war. Among the most popular was The Miscegenation Ball of 1864, which depicted Black women dancing with white men. Called “amalgamation” throughout the 19th century, miscegenation violated ostensibly immutable boundaries between white and Black people, or between the “human” and “subhuman.” White supremacists warned against the propagation of “hybrids,” which they viewed as detrimental to both races. As Gates observes, 19th-century writers linked the threat of miscegenation to the idea of Black men raping white women. Images of the over-sexual, uncontrollable Black man also proliferated in this period and remained popular through the first half of the 20th century.
The “Natural” Propensity to Rape
The racist trope of the Black man’s innate predisposition to rape supported Jim Crow policies. For example, white people opposed integrated public transportation out of fear that it would increase the risk of rape for white women. White supremacists also used rape as a common explanation for the need for lynching, as evidenced by an 1892 editorial titled “More Rapes, More Lynchings,” in the Memphis Daily Commercial. The editorial not only described the “natural” inclination of Black men to rape white women, but also presented white women as weak and defenseless against Black male aggression. It also argued that the structures that kept Black men in check had been destroyed when enslavement ended. Gates interprets the stereotype of the Black rapist in Freudian terms, calling it “a classic instance of repression and projection: the repression of the frequency of rape during slavery” (146). Indeed, DNA analysis reveals that enslavers regularly raped enslaved people. By the turn of the century, white supremacists not only linked Black sexuality to lynching, but also used it to justify racial segregation.
Blackface
This section interprets the growth of blackface within the context of racial violence against Black men. Blackface grew in popularity at the end of the 19th century, coinciding with the rise of lynchings. Blackface maintained racial hierarchies by promoting racist ideas and playing to white anxieties about Black physicality, sexuality, and masculinity. Some blackface posters depicted lecherous Black men and helpless white women, while others showed clownish Black men and flirtatious white women. Gates presents these images as a form of displacement, with white victimizers depicting Black victims of lynching as aggressors.
The Birth of a Nation
This section focuses on D. W. Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation (1915), originally titled The Clansman. Released at the height of Jim Crow, commentators often refer to the film as one of the most racist ever produced in Hollywood. Using white actors in blackface, the film presented Black people as unintelligent, sexually aggressive toward white women, and overly ambitious. Black people are the enslavers in Griffith’s film, while white people are the enslaved. In one scene, Black politicians drink whisky and eat chicken while enacting a statute legalizing interracial marriage. As Gates observes, these propagandistic tropes not only had their roots in the Reconstruction era, but also projected white fears about Black political engagement and interracial relationships. Another scene shows a Black man attempting to rape a white woman, who jumps off a cliff. Yet another focuses on a white man who saves his sister from a Black suitor with the help of the Ku Klux Klan. Audiences flocked to theaters to see Griffith’s film. After a private White House screening, President Woodrow Wilson famously claimed that it depicted “a veritable overthrow of civilization in the South” (155). Although The Birth of a Nation sparked one of the most important protests against Jim Crow and swelled the membership of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), it also attracted new members to the Ku Klux Klan and fed anti-Black racism. The New Negro movement that emerged a few years later, today called the Harlem Renaissance, not only transformed the image of Black people in white popular culture, but also race relations in the US.
The United States of Race: Mass-Producing Stereotypes and Fear
This section consists of mass-produced images of Black people as thick-lipped, unintelligent, and sexually dangerous. These negative stereotypes formed part of the visual rhetoric of white supremacy that characterized the post-Reconstruction period.
Chapter 3 addresses The Visual Rhetoric of White Supremacy and the Rise of Jim Crow. Focusing on Sambo art, Gates describes the proliferation of mass-produced racist imagery in the post-Reconstruction period. Not only did anti-Black images multiply like never before, but the images were remarkably reproducible. The repetition of a set number of racist stereotypes and tropes perpetuated negative beliefs about Black people and Blackness, reducing an entire community to “a single black image” (129), and “reduc[ing] the complexity of actual black human beings […] [to] fixed, unchangeable signifiers of blackness” (129). Gates posits that Sambo art impacted Black people as well as white people, arguing that “even black people would see [these signifiers] when they saw themselves reflected in America’s social mirrors” (129). Gates reproduces strong, sometimes racist language not just for its shock value, but also to convey the damage inflicted on Black people by Sambo art, which he links to the rise of Jim Crow:
What possible rationale demanded this many debased representations of the recently freed Black people produced in the final third of the nineteenth century? How many ways can one call a woman or a man a “n*****” or a “c***”? […] How many watermelons does a person have to devour, how many chickens does an individual have to steal, to make the point that Black people are manifestly, by nature, both gluttons and thieves? […] The explanation comes in three words: justifying Jim Crow, or, in three different words, disenfranchising Black voters (129).
Negative portrayals of Black people extended beyond mass-produced images on everyday objects. Anti-Black imagery also permeated live performances and film, as evidenced by the popularity of blackface. Collectively, this imagery formed what Gates calls the visual rhetoric of white supremacy. The images communicated that Black people were inferior to white people in myriad ways, caricaturizing their physical features and emphasizing their immorality. The trope of the uncontrollable, oversexualized Black man, which found expression in a wide range of visual media, became a prime justification for lynching. Anti-Black imagery, then, sublimated white people’s deep fears about Black people, while also promoting real forms of terror on Black people.
Specifically, Gates argues that imagery played a key role in sowing the fear and terror that were central to anti-miscegenation and Jim Crow laws. His discussion of visual depictions of Black male sexuality is especially informative. He offers many examples, including The Miscegenation Ball (1864), which warns against the dangers of interracial relationships, and Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation, which portrays a Black man courting a white woman and a Black man trying to rape a white woman. Indeed, Samba art and blackface consistently warned against Black men’s “natural” propensity to rape and the dangers of interracial relationships. As Gates observes, this type of imagery finds parallels in the writings and speeches of the period. He cites several sources to demonstrate that images and words were mutually reinforcing, including a speech by S. S. Nicholas at the 1864 Democratic National Convention that reflects white anxieties about “the propagation of hybrids” (139), and an editorial titled “More Rapes, More Lynchings,” published in the Memphis Daily Commercial in 1892:
The crime of rape is always horrible, but [for] the Southern man there is nothing which so fills the soul with horror, loathing and fury as the outraging of a white woman by a Negro. It is the race question in the ugliest, vilest, more dangerous aspect. The Negro as a political factor can be controlled. But neither laws nor lynchings can subdue his lusts (142).
In addition to drawing on a variety of historic sources, Gates cites recent research to support his claims. For example, he uses DNA analysis to further his argument that images and texts about Black rapists are a form of projection or displacement. Although there were certainly Black perpetrators of sexual violence in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, DNA analysis shows that their numbers paled compared to the widespread rape of enslaved Black women by white owners:
We now know, thanks to developments in DNA analysis, that one in three African American males carries a Y-DNA signature inherited from a direct white male ancestor. Say, a great great great grandfather. And that the average African American autosomal admixture is about 25% European. These startling results could only reflect the frequency of the rape of black women by white men during slavery (146).
The science is both telling and irrefutable—white men frequently raped and impregnated Black women. Gates interprets the findings in Freudian terms, arguing that the stereotype of the Black rapist exemplifies white repression and projection, specifically, the repression of the frequency of rape during enslavement and the projection of the guilt and crime of rape onto Black men.