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Henry Louis Gates Jr.A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The Birth of the New Negro
Chapter 4 explores how the idea of the New Negro challenged anti-Black images circulating in American society. New Negroes were young, educated, culturally sophisticated, and middle-class. Gates traces the roots of the concept to the late 19th century, arguing that it developed in response to the collapse of Reconstruction and the rise of racist Redemption policies. Segregation became law during Jim Crow. Social customs reinforced these laws, as did vigilantism. By 1900, the gains represented by the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments had almost entirely disappeared. Campaigns of violence and intimidation drastically reduced the number of Black voters. The period also saw the rise of sharecropping and convict leasing, new forms of enslavement that indebted Black tenants to white landowners and forced Black people to work as punishment for their crimes. Black people responded by forming their own social and cultural institutions. A class of Black intellectuals, artists, and activists emerged, deepening existing class divisions in the Black community.
“The Politics of Respectability”
Drawing on Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham’s idea of “the politics of respectability,” Gates argues that New Negros tried to differentiate themselves from Old Negroes by adopting white Victorian social and moral values. Black people began dressing like middle-class white people, rejected Black dialect in favor of standard English, and crafted a public image designed to refute racist stereotypes, emphasizing conservative morality and sexual restraint. New Negroes sought to dismantle racist stereotypes, but they could not turn a blind eye to the social ills affecting the Black community, notably, gambling, criminality, and poverty. Black leaders urged members of their community to address these problems and to become New Negroes.
Every Picture Tells a Story: Du Bois’s Exhibit of American Negroes
This section focuses on W. E. B. Du Bois’s Exhibit of American Negroes at the Paris Exposition of 1900. Trained in sociology, Du Bois turned to visual media to combat negative stereotypes of Black people, something he had previously done in his writings. Du Bois was a quintessential New Negro—educated, cultured, and articulate. His exhibit, funded by President William McKinley after lobbying by Black leaders, comprised 363 photographs documenting Black achievement since the end of enslavement. Included were portraits of Black men and women with different skin tones and facial structures. Sitters with aquiline noses were shown in profile to combat racial stereotypes. Students and professionals were among the sitters. Most subjects were photographed indoors to combat the stereotype of the Black agricultural laborer. The exhibit presented the New Negro to a global audience, replacing the old idea that had been projected onto Black people.
The Look of Respectability
This section centers on the role of artists as leaders of racial progress. In 1903, Du Bois unveiled his idea of the Talented Tenth, which referred to the best and brightest Black leaders. Du Bois included poets and novelists among this group. The Talented Tenth, which helped formulate and propagate new ideas of racial assertiveness, spurred Du Bois to organize his Exhibit of American Negroes. In 1904, the art illustrator John Henry Adams Jr. published two articles about the nature of New Negro women in Voice of the Negro, which included sketches similar to Du Bois’s exhibit. Adams focused on the personal appearance of Black people to comment on their character. In contrast to Sambo art and racial science, which ridiculed and derided Black bodies, Adams presented them in positive ways. As Gates observes, the efforts of Du Bois and Adams underscore the role of Black agency in fighting anti-Black racism and celebrating the progress of the New Negro.
“Brutal Drawing of the Color Line”
This section addresses the divisions between Old and New Negroes. Some educated Black people expressed a greater kinship with white people than with uneducated Black people. Similarly, many New Negroes embraced “the politics of respectability” to separate themselves from Old Negroes. Anti-Black racism, however, forced the Black elite to stop conceiving of itself as a separate class. Anti-Black racism was class-blind, which promoted Black unity.
Enter the Newer New Negroes
This section focuses on successive New Negro movements between 1894 and 1925. These movements, which emerged against the backdrop of the Great Migration of Black southerners to the industrial centers of the North, were as much about politics as they were about economics and class. Many educated Black people believed that Reconstruction had been suspended and that it was up to them to revive it by fighting for political rights. A militant strain in New Negro political thought emerged. This new, more radical New Negro not only embraced socialism and Black nationalism, but also criticized the older generation of ineffectual leadership. The eruption of racial violence, including attacks on Black people in Chicago, Washington, DC, and Elaine, Arkansas, during the Red Summer of 1919, fueled Black militancy, as did the lynching of Black veterans by white mobs who did not want to compete for the same jobs. The newer New Negroes—the militant Black socialists—aimed to achieve political, economic, and social equality by fighting oppressors with weapons. These newer New Negroes differed from Du Bois’s Talented Tenth, who fought Jim Crow through organized protests, campaigned to make lynching a federal offense, and sought to combat negative stereotypes through art and literature. Non-militant and militant New Negroes coexisted in the 1920s and 1930s.
A New Race Literature
This section traces the origins of the Harlem Renaissance (originally called the New Negro Movement), a period during which Black art and literature flourished and became central to the quest for civil rights. Gates begins with a discussion of Victoria Earle Matthews, a Black journalist who published an essay titled “The Value of Race Literature” in 1895. In this essay Matthews highlighted the importance of literature in the struggle for Black social and political rights. Matthews was not alone in using Black art and literature to fight for civil rights—both Douglass and Du Bois used photography to combat racist depictions of Black people. Black literature flourished five years after Matthews published her essay, as seen in the poetry of Du Bois and Paul Laurence Dunbar, and the novels of Charles W. Chesnutt. Gates describes Matthews’s essay as a literary call to arms, a clear pronouncement about the role of literature in advancing civil rights. James Weldon Johnson repeated the call in 1922 with his Book of American Negro Poetry, a manifesto widely held to have sparked the Harlem Renaissance.
The Harlem Renaissance: Let the Negro Speak for Himself
The section focuses on the Harlem Renaissance, starting with a discussion of Alain Locke, the movement’s main architect and the first Black Rhodes Scholar. Locke’s The New Negro, an illustrated anthology published in 1925, showcased a who’s who of Black artists, writers, and scholars. In his foreword, Locke described how Black people had internalized white people’s opinions about the “Negro Problem.” Locke called on younger generations to do away with the cautious moralism of the past, urging them to “stop speaking for the Negro” and instead “speak as Negroes” (223). In short, Locke wanted Black writers not to act as mediators between Black people and white readers, but to be speakers “unto themselves and for themselves” (223). Locke also urged Black artists to look to their own past for inspiration, praising Pablo Picasso for finding inspiration in African tribal masks. The New Negroes of the Harlem Renaissance sought to define a new class of Black people in response to the accommodationist tactics of their predecessors. The movement remains a potent symbol of the rich and enduring culture Black people created, despite virulent and often violent anti-Black racism.
Reframing Race: Enter the New Negro
This section consists of images of the New Negro. Among them are Du Bois’s self-portraits and portraits of New Negroes from Du Bois’s exhibit for the World Exposition in Paris.
Chapter 4 centers on the New Negro as a response to The Visual Rhetoric of White Supremacy and the Rise of Jim Crow. Gates focuses on the context out of which successive New Negro movements emerged, their goals, and their cultural output. He uses strong, evocative language to describe the emergence of the New Negro, declaring that Black people “fought to take back their image from the choking grasp of white supremacy in another kind of civil war, […] a war of representation, at times fought through culture and aesthetics” (190). The first New Negro to emerge after Reconstruction was educated, cultured, and middleclass. These New Negroes defined themselves in opposition to Old Negroes, identifying closely with white people and adopting their values and behaviors. Other New Negroes emerged between 1894 and 1925. Key among these were the militant New Negroes who differentiated themselves from their predecessors. Newer New Negroes could combine radicalism, conservatism, political activism, socialism, and nationalism. In contrast to previous Black leaders, who organized protests and campaigned peacefully for civil rights, militant New Negroes turned to violence to achieve their political, economic, and social goals. Growing racial violence fueled the movement, especially the Red Summer of 1919 and the lynching of Black veterans by white mobs. New Negroes used art and literature to combat the negative racial stereotypes that permeated American society and, during the Harlem Renaissance, to speak to other Black people about Blackness.
Gates draws on a range of sources to support his arguments about New Negroes. For example, he sets the emergence of the militant New Negro against the backdrop of the Great Migration (1910-70), when millions of Black sharecroppers moved to northern industrial centers. He cites statistics to help illustrate the impact of the migration on the North and South:
We tend to forget that until 1910, 90 percent of the black community lived in the South; by 1930, that number had dropped to 79 percent […] Especially during the war years of 1916 to 1919 and then again from 1925 to 1925 […] the black population in urban centers exploded. Detroit saw an increase of 611 percent in its black population (36,200 people); Chicago’s went up by 114 percent (65,000 people) and New York’s by 66 percent (61,400 people) (203).
The influx of poor Black southerners deeply impacted Black northerners, most of whom had been there for generations. The Black elite seized on the idea of the New Negro to differentiate themselves from the new arrivals. However, in many circles, including elite educational institutions, white people continued to treat New Negroes with disdain, which fostered cohesiveness among Black people regardless of their backgrounds.
The Harlem Renaissance is inextricably linked to the idea of the New Negro. Indeed, the Harlem Renaissance was known at the time as the New Negro Movement. Harlem is now associated with Black art, music, and culture, but Gates reminds readers that the northern Manhattan neighborhood was hardly a Black mecca in 1910, a claim borne out by statistics: “[Harlem] was 90.01 percent white and 9.89 percent black (with a total population of 181,949, 17,995 of whom were black” (204). Harlem remained predominantly white through 1920, but “the percentage dropped to 67.47 percent (with a total population of 216,026 people, 70,057 of whom were black)” (204). By 1930, however, the situation had changed. The Harlem Renaissance years reversed the numbers of black and white residents almost exactly: “Harlem became 70.18 percent black and only 29.43 percent white (with a total population of 209,663, of whom 147,141 people were black” (204).
In addition to statistics, Gates draws on a variety of historical sources to support his claims. In his discussion of the history of class divisions in the Black community, for example, he quotes Henry Bibb, a fugitive from slavery, activist, and newspaper publisher: “The distinction among slaves is as marked, as the classes of society are in any aristocratic community. Some refusing to associate with others whom they deem to be beneath them, in point of character, color, condition, or the superior importance of their respective masters” (188). This attitude unpins the concept of the New Negro, especially its initial emergence as a counterpoint to the Old Negro. Citing other sources, Gates maintains that class divisions grew over time. For example, John Mitchell, Jr., the editor of the Black Richmond Planet, suggested that New Negroes were more suited to equality than Old Negroes:
The lowly and the illiterate do not specially desire to exercise the privileges, because they have neither money, the education nor the time to enjoy them, but there are others who do. We have a class of colored people, the ‘New Negro,’ who have arisen since the war, with education, refinement and money. They refuse to be kept in the relative condition once occupied by their ancestors, the slave of 250 years (192).
Concerned with widening gaps within the Black community, some Black leaders tried to foster unity. Gates cites “An Address to the Colored People of the United States,” co-authored by Douglass, Bibb, W. L. Day, D. H. Jenkins, and A. H. Francis in 1848, which references the link between Black people, who all suffer from racism: “It is more than a figure of speech to say, that we are as a people chained together” (189). Du Bois also expressed his support of Black unity in his 1903 book, The Negro Problem:
[New Negroes] make their mistake in failing to recognize that however laudable an ambition to rise may be, the first duty of an upper class is to serve the lowest classes. The aristocracies of all peoples have been slow in learning this and perhaps the Negro is no slower than the rest, but his peculiar situation demands that in his case this lesson be learned sooner (202).
Despite calls for unity, class divisions grew over time. By the start of the Harlem Renaissance, new versions of the New Negro had emerged. Some New Negroes advocated the use of violence to combat white supremacy and engender political change. By contrast, others focused on the role of art in the advancement of Black people. Gates identifies two contrasting views about the role of art in this period. Some Black leaders, such as Du Bois, believed that art could lead to political change. Other Black leaders, such as Locke, resisted the idea of an overtly political art, arguing that the role of the arts was to uplift people intellectually and creatively. The Harlem Renaissance produced some of the best Black artists in history and inspired future generations of Black people in the US and abroad. Despite the success of the movement, however, it never led to the political liberation Du Bois and others hoped for. As Locke observed in 1949, decades after the Harlem Renaissance ended, art cannot liberate the oppressed. The achievements of the Harlem Renaissance, great as they were, were restricted to the creative realm. Nevertheless, the movement remains “the most famous cultural movement in African American history” (220).