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47 pages 1 hour read

Arlie Russell Hochschild

Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2016

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Part 4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 4: “Going National”

Part 4, Chapter 14 Summary: “The Fires of History: The 1860s and the 1960s”

To better understand Tea Party ideology, the author turns to history, examining various movements that have risen up to counter “progress.” She argues that the recent rightward political turn and the Tea Party movement both originate in the South. She wonders about the role that emotion plays in Tea Party ideology and wants to figure out how such emotion shapes belief. She looks back to the days prior to the Civil War and notes the disenfranchisement of “poor white” farmers by wealthy white plantation owners and explains that the best, most arable tracts of land in the South were bought up by affluent individuals looking to use enslaved labor to farm large parcels. The “poor white” subsistence farmers were left with land from which they struggled to eke out a meager living. After the Civil War, the South was economically devastated and the new state governments were installed by northerners. There was a feeling amongst the disenfranchised white southern population that the North was profiting, unfairly, off Southern labor. As the decades passed, a series of other changes, billed as “progress” would originate in the North and then be exported southwards, and the author argues that this series of externally imposed changes not only bred resentment amongst working-class white southerners but that it also became a key part of their deep story.

The author identifies parallels between the pre-emancipation cotton industry and contemporary Big Oil. Both are monocultures that require large financial investments and disenfranchise the poor. She talks to one man who tells her that an oil company applied for a permit to use a portion of their land. They were powerless in the face of such a large enemy, and the permit was granted. They are now unable to sell their home because their property value plummeted. This man’s story, the author realizes, is all too common, and there are countless other southerners who have had similar experiences.

Jumping forward in time to the 1960s and 1970s, the author discusses the way that civil rights movements and identity politics impacted the South’s deep story and the ideology that gave rise to the Tea Party movement. There was a perception, she notes, amongst white southerners that the civil rights movement was yet another example of Northerners coming down to the South to tell southerners how to live their lives. Suddenly, white men were perceived as villains, and a host of new identity groups sprang up and threatened the status quo: African Americans, women, gay people, and even the rights of endangered species became seemingly more important than those of working-class white people. To a group of people with a long history of disenfranchisement at the hands of the wealthy and the government, this felt like another blow. Many white, working-class southerners felt like they had never had advantages, and they resented the fact that they were suddenly being told that they were oppressors just because they were white. These men, the author notes, were loath to point any of this out within broader public conversations about race, class, and opportunity in America because they resented identity politics and identifying as a “victim” class was revolting to them. They observed the way that liberal values and liberal ideologies had risen to “the top” in society and realized that their very identities had become undesirable. Values such as Christianity, monogamous, heterosexual marriage, and hard work seemed, to them, to have fallen out of fashion. They felt distinctly left behind by a society in which they had never truly been allowed to flourish.

Part 4, Chapter 15 Summary: “Strangers No Longer: The Power of Promise”

Donald Trump enters the political scene at the tail end of the author’s study. She argues that the scene had already been set for his rise. The white southerners whom she’d spent so much time with had several commonalities: They lived in economically depressed communities, they felt socially and politically marginalized, and they felt like part of a demographic decline. White America, they worried, was disappearing. The author attends several Trump rallies and exchanges a series of communications with her various contacts in Louisiana about the rise of Trump and what he represents. She realizes that he is an “emotions candidate,” and that he speaks to the way that people feel about the United States and its political landscape. He seems to understand what their deep story is, and he validates it. They do not see this kind of validation anywhere else in politics or media, and because of this, his movement gains momentum rapidly. Where many on the left see a blustering, angry, disrespectful liar, his supporters see the first person in power who speaks directly to them.

Part 4, Chapter 16 Summary: “They Say there are Beautiful Trees”

The author reflects on political divisions and the deep stories that underpin them. She wants to tell her friends on the left that those on the right are not bad people and that they are motivated by many of the same desires as those on the left. She wants to tell her friends on the right that the left has its own deep story and that it also struggles with inequality and unfairness within society. She then returns to the Areno family’s story. Their lawsuit over water pollution was thrown out and they would not be compensated for any losses. In Longville, Donald Trump is the hottest new topic of conversation. The conservation-oriented Mike is against him, but pro-business Donny plans to vote for him. Former Bayou Corne residents have largely dispersed, and there are few people still living in the contaminated area. Mike Schaff’s new home, far from Bayou Corne, is still not safe: There is now talk of dumping fracking wastewater near his property. Harold and Anette still live on Bayou D’Inde. The towering cypress trees of their youth are now long gone, but they still enjoy the quiet calm of the water. When the author leaves them for the last time, Harold tells her that he is not sure when they will meet again. Only Angel Gabriel knows that. They will, at the very least, meet again in Heaven, he figures. He tells the author that “they say there are beautiful trees in Heaven” (242).

Part 4 Analysis

In Part 4, the author further explores the roots of conservative mistrust of the government and of national narratives of identity. Again, she tries to connect with a subset of the population that once felt entirely alien to her. In an effort toward Bridging the Political Divide, she wants to convey that white, working-class Americans have not always enjoyed privilege, from their perspective. She takes a historical view of white, working-class experiences in the United States and argues that the disenfranchisement of white working-class voters began before the Civil War. She notes the division between the planter class and the “poor white” class in the South and explains that working-class southerners were often unable to purchase arable land: Much of the best farmland was bought up in large parcels by plantation owners who could afford to spend large sums at once. She also argues that the roots of contemporary disillusionment with the wealthy class and the government began during this era.

She further addresses the South versus North mentality that she has observed in many of her interviewees. She notes that during the Civil War, there was a perception amongst southerners that the North was trying to impose its cultural values on the South. This feeling only increased during the post-war Reconstruction era, and southerners were additionally upset at the way that “carpetbaggers” from the North profited off southern economic disarray to make their own fortunes. She argues that this idea of the North “imposing” its cultural values was also how many southerners interpreted the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Suddenly, southerners “felt culturally marginalized” as they were characterized by national (northern) narratives as “backwards” and “racist” (221).

With the rise of identity politics during the latter half of the 20th and early years of the 21st centuries, Hochschild argues that conservative, working-class voters once again felt “marginalized.” Although their self-perception was that they were struggling to access the American dream, they suddenly found themselves in identity categories that, according to liberal narratives, were undesirable. The author hears this sentiment echoed by many of the people she interviews, and she makes explicit in this final section of the book that this feeling of having been maligned by “liberal elites” whose narratives dominated the media and shaped government policy was a key part of the deep story that propelled them toward conservative politicians.

The author argues that Donald Trump was able to harness these feelings of resentment during the lead-up to the 2016 election in part because he is an “emotions candidate.” He “focuses on eliciting and praising emotional responses from his fans” (225). He validates the lived experiences of white, working-class voters and tells them openly that the left views them as “undesirables” (as did Hilary Clinton) but that he does not. He will not shove them to the “back of the line” in the same way that liberal candidates do, and his policies will put them first. Although Trump’s rise and Trumpism as a political ideology play only a very small part in this text, the author does show the way that a constellation of complex factors led to the widespread support he received from white, working-class voters that was baffling to many on the left.

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By Arlie Russell Hochschild