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53 pages 1 hour read

Craig Whitlock

The Afghanistan Papers: A Secret History of the War

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2021

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Themes

Mission Creep

Content Warning: This section contains accounts of terrorism and war-related violence, including torture and the killing of civilians.

At its outset, the US campaign in Afghanistan was supposed to be relatively quick and efficient. The target was not Afghanistan, or even its government, but rather the foreign terrorists who had used its territory to plot the 9/11 attacks. George W. Bush campaigned against the Clinton administration’s so-called “nation-building” efforts in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and elsewhere as a distraction from the military’s main task, which was “to fight and win war” (31). Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld shared those attitudes and insisted repeatedly that the US had no concern other than killing or apprehending those responsible for 9/11, especially given Afghanistan’s well-documented hostility to foreign invaders. No one anticipated that the war would go on for 20 more years, long enough for some of the small children of soldiers to grow up and fight in that same war. And yet, step by step, the US engaged in “mission creep,” a military term for a task that gradually expands its scope without anyone necessarily intending or even understanding that such a process was occurring. Before long, US and NATO forces would be training a new army entirely from scratch, building up law enforcement and a judiciary, attempting to regulate the opium trade, and overseeing infrastructure projects, all of which constitute nation building.

Mission creep was in part the result of unexpected success in the early stages of the war. Few expected that a war that began in early October would have not only smashed Al Qaeda’s infrastructure in Afghanistan by December but also driven out the Taliban government, all at a relatively small cost. Having created a power vacuum, the US worried that an abrupt departure would leave the country destabilized and therefore vulnerable to a new round of extremists. Furthermore, the apparently quick and decisive victory “boosted US officials’ confidence and they tacked on new goals” in the expectation that a grateful Afghan people would welcome their liberators to tutor them in the arts of modernity and democracy (13). From that point forward, a vicious cycle took hold where the US and NATO expanded the scope of its mission more and more, which in many respects made conditions worse. Rather than admit failure or even come to grips with their own limitations, the coalition insisted that a further expansion of scope would turn the corner on the country’s many problems. In a chaotic environment where many institutions, American and international, were all vying to claim a piece of the Afghanistan security and reconstruction project, none of them wanted to take the fall for the failure of that project, and so all competed to expand their remit in order to show that regardless of the overall picture, they were doing the necessary work to turn things around. When every institution was similarly motivated, there was no room for a strategic reevaluation.

American Solutions for Afghan Problems

Within days of the September 11 attacks, President Bush was proclaiming a global “War on Terror” that pitted the forces of freedom against the forces of fear. When US forces invaded Afghanistan on October 7, this meant that the war became the first test of this moral binary, especially since it was the base of operations for the 9/11 attackers and the Taliban government, with its gruesome public executions and brutal treatment of women. When the Taliban was overthrown, at relatively low cost, there were in fact public demonstrations of women tearing off their burqas, and ethnic minorities like the Hazara no longer needed to fear state-sanctioned oppression. For a country that regards itself as a historic liberator, citing its victories in World War II and the collapse of the Soviet empire, the events in late 2001 appeared to prove that American values of freedom and democracy could spread to the least likely corners of the world. This experience fed the impression that the US had the ideas and know-how to turn Afghanistan from vanquished enemy into prosperous friend, as it had for Germany and Japan (and was trying to do with Russia).

The unwillingness to treat Afghanistan on its own merits was compounded by a lack of resources. Convinced that the Taliban would never return, and devoting a bulk of military resources to Iraq, the US could not invest in Afghanistan enough to learn about the intricacies of its history and culture. It therefore assumed that American models would translate, most notably in the creation of the Afghan army. The Pentagon committed “a fundamental mistake by designing the Afghan army as a facsimile of the US military, forcing it to adopt similar rules, customs and structures in spite of vast differences in culture and knowledge” (57). It was easier for instructors to reuse existing training manuals rather than learn about a culture that many regarded as backward.

In some cases, such as in the campaign to destroy opium production, the Afghan side of the problem precluded any consideration of America’s role as the largest global consumer of opium. It likewise held the Afghans entirely responsible for the problem of corruption, ignoring the fact that “US officials had soiled hands as well” (185), including outright bribery to secure desired provisions in the Afghan constitution. Since the US had portrayed itself as a righteous crusader from the opening days of the war, it would regard the Afghans as either villains to be killed or children to be raised.

Willful Blindness

One of the most shocking aspects of The Afghanistan Papers, and one of the ways it most closely echoes its parallel, the Pentagon Papers, is just how aware top officials were regarding the failure of their policies. They had heard reports from officers and other personnel on the ground, many of whom had done enough tours to compile anecdotes of wastefulness or absurdity into evidence of structural flaws. Even in the first year of the war, when the Taliban did appear to be a spent force, there was “a profound sense of a lack of possibility in Afghanistan” due to confusion over who they were actually fighting (34), how to restore order, and whether a large-scale reconstruction project was either possible or necessary. As the years progressed, both those on the ground and in Washington became increasingly dour in their assessments, even in the areas where the US had focused its efforts. From the beginning, the US understood its main role as suppressing the Taliban in order to provide a foundation for public order, but they quickly recognized that “they were always in Pakistan and regrouping and planning […] anytime that they did an assault or an ambush it was well-organized, and they knew what they were doing” (100).

In spite of this knowledge, officials continued to avow that progress was being made, that victory was just around the corner, and that the sacrifices already made required that they stay and finish the job. Officials went to absurd lengths to put a positive spin on events, until the Trump administration simply stopped keeping track of unpleasant statistics like how much territory the Taliban controlled. Statistics were taken out of context, grossly exaggerated, or simply invented.

One of the main causes of this, according to Whitlock, is that no one within the massive Pentagon bureaucracy wanted to appear to take ownership for a systemic failure. As long as they could claim that they were on track to accomplish their own objectives, they would not take the fall. Since everyone within the bureaucracy calculated their interests in roughly the same way, mistakes were not evaluated or even acknowledged, and the same policies continued because it was easier to pretend they were working rather than admit failure. Even when President Biden finally went through with the evacuation, he blamed the Afghans for their inability to stand up to the Taliban rather than all the ways in which the US had facilitated their weakness and dependency.

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