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41 pages 1 hour read

Denise Kiernan

The Girls of Atomic City

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2013

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Chapters 6-10Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 6 Summary: “To Work”

The District Engineer informs Ernest Lawrence that the “high school girls they had pulled from rural Tennessee to operate his calutrons in Y-12 [are] doing better than his own team of scientists,” that “the ‘hillbilly’ girls [are] generating more enriched Tubealloy per run than the PhDs” (109). The District Engineer understands are well-trained and disciplined. Women occupy “every corner of every workplace at CEW, from the personnel processing down to chemical processing” (110). Workers in personnel are considered particularly lucky as they have access to all the information about the young men coming in droves to the Reservation and are often asked to check up on friends and relatives of other workers. Accessing personnel files could be severely punished but was often seen as a necessary risk.

 

Women like Helen who work as cubicle operators at Y-12 pass through several sets of armed gates on their way into work. Once there, they work in a large, loud space, for eight-hour shifts monitoring panels and adjusting knobs so that needles fall within an acceptable range. Little else is known, even by supervisors. In fact, “no one in the cubicle control room [has] all the pieces of the puzzle of which they [are] an integral part” (114). Various code letters are bandied around— “striking a J. M voltage. G voltage,” the “E boxes” that are collected and emptied when a unit shuts down”—and some speculate about what they mean. Helen remains “remarkably immune to this spirit of inquiry” but even she peeks when men arrive to pull the E boxes from their units, removing what looks to be a kind of dust and is actually Tubealloy, or uranium (117).

 

When the Tubealloy is cleared out of the E boxes, it is analyzed by teams of chemists, including Virginia who has managed to move into one of the labs. She calls the product “yellowcake” (118) although, like many of the other scientists, she actually knows what it is. However, even those who know what the product truly is are ordered “never to use its name” or acknowledge it in “transparent language” (119). Elsewhere in Y-12, Jane monitors clerks as they use adding machines to process the data gathered by the other workers. She believes her work must be important because even her “personal, handwritten” training notes had been stamped with “a bright red SECRET” (122).

 

In K-25, Kattie sweeps and scrubs while Willie works to maintain the train tracks entering the complex, watching as thousands of them enter packed with materials but leave carrying nothing. Kattie is still desperate to cook at home so one day calls up to where workmen cut the end sections off metal beams high above, asking, “Make me a biscuit pan!” (123). The next day there are “three pans waiting there for her” (124). Elsewhere in K-25, Colleen uses a probe to check the welds on pipes so vast that she has to climb on top of some of them. To make this easier she wears pants; she enjoys being able to dress like a man. She does not know what the pipes carry, but one of the supervisors tells her to leave quickly if she smells “something…anything funny” (127). Not knowing the dangers of radiation, she concludes only that “Whatever’s going through these pipes must smell real bad…” (127).

 

The Product from Y-12 is taken to Site Y in New Mexico by couriers travelling by train, dressed in suits and looking like ordinary salesmen. It is contained in vessels “composed of nickel and lined with gold” (131) which are “placed in briefcases and handcuffed to the arm of one of the men” (132). Workers at Site Y then “extract the Tubealloy from the TF4 and transform it into a metal as the [continue] to design the Tubealloy’s ultimate container: the Gadget” (132).

Chapter 7 Summary: “Rhythms of Life”

In 1944, Rome is liberated, Normandy is stormed, but the “situation in the Pacific continue[s] to escalate” (134). Americans are “making do everywhere” but those at CEW do so “while managing round-the-clock work schedules and living behind armed gates amid legions of rumored informants” (134). This results in “a potent mix of anxiety and inspiration” and morale fluctuates. Those in charge realize that the CEW workers need recreational activities to occupy their time.

 

Of course, organized groups from outside the Reservation would be a security risk so these activities have to be organized in-house and soon “the enterprising, hardworking, and optimistic among residents [begin] creating their own activities to fill the void” (136). Before long, options include “beer taverns, a drive-in, miniature gold, roller skating, and trampoline tumbling” as well as well as numerous sports clubs, Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, music societies, a concert band, and a symphony conducted by a biochemist, gardening clubs, and even “the Rabbit Breeders Association” (136).

 

Dances are especially popular, and many women wear “boots to wade through the mud, then [change] into more fetching shoes upon arrival at the dance” (137). Numerous tricks are employed to recreate popular fashion without access to the supplies limited by rationing. Colleen tries to never miss a dance and is growing closer to Blackie, who impresses her with a gift of rare Ivory Flakes washing soap. Helen is less interested in dances and romance than she is with recruiting girls for the Y-12 basketball team and playing softball, reveling in the quality of the equipment she now has access to.

 

Religious services are also of great importance, giving a sense of community and security. The Chapel on the Hill is meant to serve 29 different religious groups with numerous services and activities packed into its full schedule. Other services take place in rec halls around the reservation, which sometimes means “kicking a bottle or two out of the way and erasing reminders of the previous night’s diversions to make way for the present day’s devotions” (142). Alcohol is strictly limited to “3.2 percent beer, a staple of military life and Army posts” although the town’s young people easily find ways round this, taking trips to nearby clubs, homebrewing wine under the mass-produced porches, or buying moonshine from locals.

 

Happy Valley even has its own amusement park called Coney Island, which provides “an oddly magical setting, the playful suspension of responsibility in the shadows of the most massive industrial war plants ever constructed” (142). However, most recreation is still segregated. Black residents cannot attend the movie theaters or use the swimming pool—the largest in the country. There are “movements afoot to try and change the living conditions for black workers at CEW” (145), including the formation of the Colored Camp Council which argues, among other things, for “family homes separate from labor camps and similar in amenities to the white family homes” (145). Unfortunately, those who sign a letter making this request, noting “the patriotism and sacrifices of the black community” (145), find themselves “on the receiving end of a robust background check, but no new homes” (146).

 

Neighboring communities are often unfriendly to the workers of CEW and frequently overcharge them for goods and services. Part of this is a reflection of resentment for the displacement of the site’s original residents, but there is also a suspicion that “the CEW [is] getting more than their fair share of rationed goods” (146). The nearby townspeople know that Celia works at the CEW and make her wait in line or deny her goods that they claim to be saving for others. She is learning to adapt to her financial independence, insisting on splitting the bill when eating with Henry.

 

Maintaining secrecy is difficult at the Project but the General believes that compartmentalization is essential. He follows the rule that “Each man should know everything he [needs] to know to do his job and nothing else” (152). Residents are heavily screened, with the head of the medical section later clarifying the procedure: “Were they crooks, drug addicts, homosexuals or things like that? We were not worried about those particular items, per se, but the fact that they would be vulnerable to pressure which might make them likely to say things that they shouldn’t if they were blackmailed” (153). Dealing with the press is also extremely difficult, the Project works directly with “the Office of Censorship and also individual editors” in order to restrict publication of “anything that would disclose vital information or draw unnecessary attention to the Project” (154). 

Chapter 8 Summary: “The One about the Fireflies…”

Frances Smith Gates, editor of the Oak Ridge Journal, finds press restrictions to the site “trickier to maneuver than most” (156) and quickly learns that “even the most innocuous stories could be viewed as a security threat” (157). Secrecy and security are part of the other women’s lives too. Helen witnesses two women being escorted from the workplace never to return. Celia receives an unexpected request from her mother to “stop writing home” because “I just can’t understand your letters” (161). Celia later learns that her letters have been censored with “big, black bars” (161).

 

Not knowing exactly what happens to those who break the rules leaves residents uneasy and information officers create rumors that “subversives or dismissed workers [can] not only be fired but then be immediately drafted and dropped in the South Pacific” (162). However, for some, the “heightened restrictions also [offer] a sense of security […] [and] a sense that someone might not just be watching you, but watching out for you, as well” (163). Dot does not feel this way when she is approached by a date’s boss who tells her “I don’t want you to see him anymore” (164). Dot’s experience is not unique. Many workers are closely monitored and “the General occasionally [even has] his top scientists tailed” (174). Despite security efforts, a number of spies are gathering information for “interested parties overseas” (175).

Propaganda in the town ranges “from inspirational, up-by-the-bootstraps images designed to inspire patriotism and responsibility to ominous images depicting death by enemy hands, or losses on the battle front resulting from a moment’s indiscretion” (165). Common messages stress loyalty, allegiance, and patriotism but also stoke fear and paranoia. Beyond this, there are also “plainclothes agents” and “informal creeps” (167) operating within the Reservation in unknown, undisclosed numbers. This means that “anyone you [meet], anyone you [pass] on the street, anyone you [befriend] could be reporting your conversations and activities” (167) and a report from them could have you and your family evicted from your home “within 24 hours” (168). Despite this security, Kattie uses her new biscuit tins to cook food in Willie’s hutment and, in exchange for a couple of “contraband biscuits,” the guards no longer hassle her (170). 

Chapter 9 Summary: “The Unspoken: Sweethearts and Secrets”

Jane’s colleagues manage to send her a secret message of office gossip and well-wishes, written on carefully rolled tape and sent “within an empty and innocent-looking box of Monarch Standard-Width Staples” (176) while she is away visiting relatives in New York. She laughs when she reads “the dateline: Oak Ridge. Wherever that is…” (177). Such humor is one of the ways the workers cope with the difficulties of their situation. Dances are another, and Toni particularly enjoys an outdoor dance in October 1944 where she meets a young solider named Chuck reassigned to the project. Despite the difference in their background—she is native to the region and he is from Queens—she finds herself “becoming more smitten” (180) with him. Rosemary also begins a new relationship. Her young man is mysterious and often leaves town with little notice and without being able to say when he will be back. She wonders if he might be an intelligence agent.

 

Such secrecy can be taxing, especially for spouses who now find themselves shut out of their partners lives. Some housewives begin meeting for afternoons of “darning socks or sharing favorite recipes” in a social setting but even this is treated with suspicion by guards (184). The on-site head of psychiatric services, Dr. Clarke, finds that such restraints add to the psychological issues suffered by the residents and workers, along with the “difficulties of housekeeping and the inability of mothers to get away from the constant care of children” (185). Clarke notes that this is compounded by the “uneasiness that result[s] from working so hard, for so long, under such secretive conditions” and “neurotic reactions due to fatigue are appearing frequently” (185). He sets up a small psychiatric ward.

 

Virginia largely enjoys her work, however, finding the lab to be largely social and friendly. Nearby, her friend Jane works on calculations, Dot and Helen guide the Tubealloy production, Colleen tests pipe seals at K-25, and Kattie cleans and shines “acres of floors and towers of tanks” (189). The women are brought together by both war effort and the Tubealloy itself. Their efforts are having mean that the Project is progressing and the Engineer and the General believe that the Gadget—that is, an atomic bomb—will be ready by August of 1945. 

Chapter 10 Summary: “Curiosity and Silence”

Celia marries Henry in January 1945 and they move in together. Henry wants to start a family immediately, and Celia is soon pregnant and no longer working. Waiting at home, she regularly receives calls informing her that her new husband needs to work late. Sometimes it takes two days for him to return and even Henry does not understand what he was working on. Rosemary also moves into a new home when. However, not long after moving in, her boss informs her that she has to move out to accommodate “a mentally ill patient” who needs to be “contained” (197).

 

Rosemary had already heard that “someone highly agitated had been admitted, someone rambling about his job, talking about things he shouldn’t have been talking about” (198). While Dr. Clarke finds that the population of CEW was uncurious, some people “with basic paranoid tendencies” were agitated by the environment. Rosemary soon finds herself back in the apartment as part of the team administering shock treatments to the patient.

 

In spring 1945, Kattie is startled by a “deafening” incredible noise in K-25 (201). Although she fears that something has gone wrong, it turns out the she has “spent months cleaning a factory that wasn’t fully operational” (202) and this is the sound of it coming completely online. From then on, she has to “scream and yell at the top of her lungs just to be heard by coworkers who [are] standing on the other side of the huge steel tanks” (203). Productivity is increasing at Y-12 as well and Virginia’s supervisor is delighted with the results of her latest sample.

 

Outside the project, the “‘everything’s going in and nothing’s coming out’ joke [hasn’t] died down […] [but] only become less amusing” and people start to wonder if the “city behind the fences [isn’t] anything more than a massive failure—or worse, some sort of intricate swindle at the expense of taxpaying Americans” (205). However, those in the know recognize that real progress is being made and “a fairly regular stream of Product [is] now heading to the scientists at Site Y” (206). There is some concern about the way this new element is “feisty, very active, and pose[s] potential health problems, the extent of which [are] still being calculated” (207).

Chapters 6-10 Analysis

These chapters focus on the ongoing everyday life for workers at the Project. A key aspect of this is, of course, work and we find some interesting insights into the theme of women in the workforce. Women occupy “every corner of every workplace at CEW, from the personnel processing down to chemical processing” (110) and this brings about changes to traditional attitudes about gender. Celia’s insistence that she and Henry split the bill when they go out provides an example of this, as does Colleen’s discovery that she enjoys donning trousers and overalls. However, the theme is perhaps most significant in the way it intersects with another major thematic concern: secrecy. The General believes that “compartmentalization—compartmentalization of knowledge, of responsibility, of information—[is] the ‘heart of security,’” insisting that “Each man should know everything he [needs] to know to do his job and nothing else” (152). As such, cubicle workers like Helen are only given basic training and limited information and “no one in the cubicle control room [has] all the pieces of the puzzle of which they [are] an integral part” (114).

 

There is some speculation about what is going on but in the secretive world of CEW, “smart girls [don’t] bother asking” (115). Like many of the scientists, Virginia actually recognizes the product she is processing but still does not know the full story and has been trained “never to use its name” or acknowledge it in “transparent language” (119). Working with limited understanding actually seems to be beneficial in some respects, and Ernest Lawrence is shocked to learn that the “high school girls they had pulled from rural Tennessee to operate his calutrons in Y-12 [are] doing better than his own team of scientists” (109). In an interesting intersection of women in the workforce and the high levels of secrecy at CEW, the reason for this is because the young women are more accepting of the security measure because “Those girls, ‘hillbilly’ or no, had been trained like soldiers. Do what you’re told. Don’t ask why” (110).

 

Two motifs also highlight aspects of the broader theme of secrecy in these chapters. The first is the joke that “Everything’s goin’ in and nothin’s comin’ out…” (123) which reveals the perception of CEW as mysterious space; a factory that does not appear to be producing anything raises suspicion. This is a popular perception of the Reservation among residents but especially among outsiders who have even less of an idea of the reality of the Project’s secret work. Indeed, later, outsiders start to wonder if the “city behind the fences [isn’t] anything more than a massive failure—or worse, some sort of intricate swindle at the expense of taxpaying Americans” (205). This does not encourage neighboring communities to welcome workers from the secretive plant and many resent them and refuse to serve them certain goods and services.

 

This is one of the unexpected ways in which the high-security levels at CEW influence and shape everyday life for residents, another key motif in these chapters. However, we also see other reflections of this in the ways the residents manage to navigate the difficult conditions and restrictive policies in order to create a little bit of “normality” in their lives. Kattie’s efforts to persuade a workman to make her a biscuit pan so she can cook in Willie’s hut is a fine example. Likewise, Jane’s colleagues sending her a “secret” message of office gossip and well-wishes, with the “the dateline: Oak Ridge. Wherever that is…” (177), shows how “humor in the face of watchfulness remain[s] common” (178) and the comfortable banality of everyday life manages to exist even amongst the secrecy and security.

 

Despite this, the security measures and secrecy do take a toll on the workers that relates to another key motif: mental strain of lives spent “managing round-the-clock work schedules and living behind armed gates amid legions of rumored informants” (134). Everywhere the workers look, there is propaganda suggesting that “if you [speak] out of turn, you [are] not only un-American, you [are] responsible for the senseless murder of troops” or that “if you [dare] inquire too closely about your job, you [are] endangering the lives of innocent children, damning democracy, and joining the ranks of Hitler and Hirohito” (165).

 

Innocuous details about this life cannot be shared with outsiders, as Celia discovers when her mother complains that, “There are these big, black bars covering all these words in your letters” (161), or with spouses, as she learns when her new husband has to mysteriously stay at work many nights and does not understand why. As Dr. Clarke discovers, issues around childcare, inadequate housing, and other difficulties are all compounded by the “uneasiness that result[s] from working so hard, for so long, under such secretive conditions” and “neurotic reactions due to fatigue are appearing frequently” (185).

 

As this mental strain becomes more pronounced, and as they realize that it takes “more than houses to make homes, more than cafeterias and bowling alleys to build community” (135), the heads of the Project come to realize that “the people at CEW—especially the young women in the dormitories—[need] something to occupy their time” (134). This returns to the motif of everyday life finding ways to emerge among the secrets and security measures. Soon, recreational activities spring up among the factory plants, barbed-wire fencing, and propaganda posters. There are dances as well as “beer taverns, a drive-in, miniature gold, roller skating, and trampoline tumbling,” and Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, sports clubs and music societies, and even “the Rabbit Breeders Association” (136). Perhaps the most noteworthy example of care-free “normal” life emerging in this strange world of secrets is Happy Valley’s amusement fairway which provides “an oddly magical setting, the playful suspension of responsibility in the shadows of the most massive industrial war plants ever constructed” (142), highlighting the curious juxtaposition of the banal and the highly classified.

 

Of course, it is important to recognize that everyday life in a Jim Crow state like Tennessee is very different for white people and black people and this is reflected within CEW. The Reservation’s huge outdoor swimming pool is only for white people, “black residents [cannot] attend the movie theaters” (144), and the majority of recreational activities are segregated. Despite the formation of the Colored Camp Council and other efforts “to try and change the living conditions for black workers at CEW” (145), the Project remains racist in its policies and attitudes. In fact, those who sign a letter requesting “family homes separate from labor camps and similar in amenities to the white family homes” and highlighting “the patriotism and sacrifices of the black community” (145), find themselves “on the receiving end of a robust background check, but no new homes” (146).

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By Denise Kiernan