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John W. DowerA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
World War II was not only a destructive and brutal war, but it was also a race war to many of its participants. Aside from the tragedy of the Holocaust, extreme racism and hatred existed in the Pacific theater as well. The Americans, for example, while condemning the Nazi theory of Aryan supremacy, established its own racially discriminatory laws like Jim Crow and segregation against the African American population, as well as anti-Chinese immigration laws. After the attack on Pearl Harbor, over 110,000 Japanese-Americans were incarcerated.
The Japanese aggression exposed the racial underpinning of European colonialism by invading predominantly non-independent Asian nations, or nations that were colonial outposts of Western powers. Much of Japanese propaganda aimed at its Asian neighbors addressed the "liberation" of Asia from the yoke of European bondage. Ba Maw, Burma's leader, was an outspoken advocate of Asian solidarity. This dream of Asian unification and solidarity fueled Western racial fears. President Roosevelt even spoke of this fear to a confidant, saying, "1,100,000,000 potential enemies are dangerous" (7). Many Westerners spoke of Japan as a racial menace, and many writers described the war against Japan as "a holy war, a racial war of greater significance than any the world as heretofore seen" (7). However, there were others who spoke out against such racial vehemence, like Pearl Buck and Lin Yutang. In the end, the idea of Pan-Asian unity was a myth because the Japanese showed themselves to be oppressive, earning even Ba Maw to become a scathing critic of Japan and its "brutality, arrogance, and racial pretensions" (7).
Japan's Co-Prosperity Sphere reflected its fascist nature, some understanding it as an imperialist power grabbing for what it could, and others going so far as to see similarities in Japanese rhetoric about racial supremacism and the master-race theory of the Nazis. In fact, a document dated 1942 from the Imperial Japanese Army divided the nationalities of Asia into master races, friendly races, and guest races, all the while reserving the supreme position for the Yamato race (the Japanese).
White supremacy and anti-Semitism do not sufficiently explain the full impact of racism during World War II. The Japanese were more hated before, during, and after the war by the British and Americans than the Germans. The Japanese were viewed as being a species apart from the rest of humanity: "There was no Japanese counterpart to the 'good German' in the popular consciousness of the Western Allies" (8). This racism was expressed in code words and imagery that "consistently emphasized the 'subhuman' nature of the Japanese" (9).
On the surface, Japanese depictions of race were different to the ways in which the Europeans addressed race. Whereas the Europeans focused on the negative, subhuman, etc., qualities of the Other, the Japanese "constantly affirmed their unique 'purity' as a race and culture, and turned the war itself—and eventually mass death—into an act of individual and collective purification" (9).
The most fascinating aspect of the perceptions of the enemy from both the American and Japanese sides is that fact that they all existed prior to the outbreak of war. This racial thinking aided in the brutality of the Pacific theater, which many Western war correspondents described as "more savage than in the European theater" (10).
As terrible as the war was, and as heated as the racist ways of thinking were during that time period, the transition from war and hate to peace and goodwill is remarkable. Much of this has to do with the fact that racial stereotypes are able to transform, become more benign, and are even free-floating and easily transferred to new enemies:
The issue of plain race hate will not go away, however, and the end of the cold war has simply demonstrated once again how deep and blind and murderous these racial and ethnic attachments can be. Circumstances change, but the tragic patterns of discrimination remain deep in our psyches (14).
It wasn't long after the United States entered the war that the Hollywood director, Frank Capra, was asked to put together a "series of orientation films for viewing by American troops" (15). The documentary films that Capra produced have come to be recognized as classics of wartime cinematic propaganda. The films were given the collective title of Why We Fight. The films were popular, one even winning an Academy Award for best documentary. They were also distributed internationally with "soundtracks in French, Spanish, Russian, and Chinese" (16).
Capra extensively used captured or confiscated enemy newsreels, propaganda films, commercial moves, etc., to create what would become the unspoken motto of the documentaries: "Let the enemy prove to our soldiers the enormity of his cause—and the justness of ours. […] Let our boys hear the Nazis and the Japs shout their own claims of master-race crud and our fighting men will know why they are in uniform" (16). In the first film of the series, Prelude to War, the theme was that the two worlds, the American and the Japanese, were locked in mortal combat, the free world versus the slave. One scene depicted the Japanese army marching down Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, DC. Later, such free-floating imagery would be turned against other enemies. Not one Axis nation was featured more than another in Capra's films. What was most conspicuous, however, were the black and white representations of the Allied powers and the Axis powers.
Capra had produced one film that was removed from circulation in 1945 called Know Your Enemy—Japan, because by the time the film was released, the atomic bomb had already fallen on Nagasaki. However, the film is now seen as a masterpiece of propaganda: "[I]t has been praised by cinema buffs as technical tour de force, the corning accomplishment of over three years spent refining the propagandist's craft" (18). One of the reasons the film took so long to create was the controversy about whether the film should focus on the Japanese people or their leaders. Some draft scripts were tossed aside by the War Department as possibly evoking "too much sympathy for the Jap people" (19), the focus being on a normal populace victimized by its leaders. In the end, the greatest emphasis was placed on Japanese obedience, homogeneity, and their sense of a divine mission.
Japanese history was used to illustrate most of clichés held by the English-speaking world for the Japanese, e.g., their samurai past, disciplined killers ready to give their lives for their lords. The Japanese mind was said to be encaged within the Shinto religion, which was being perverted by the modern state and their belief in the divinity of the Emperor. The failed invasion by the Japanese of the Korean peninsula in the late 16th century was used as evidence of the innate Japanese desire for conquest. In critiquing the period when Japan opened itself to Western trade (albeit by force from United States naval officer, Commodore Mathew Perry), the film interprets this time of Japan’s political change—movement toward parliamentarianism and away from the feudal system—as a "cruel joke" (21), citing that militarists still controlled Japan. It was highlighted that "the individual was thoroughly subordinated to the state" (21). The concluding frames to the film, however, convey that the end of the war is near, depicting a vast American fleet closing in on the Japanese mainland.
On the Japanese side, the government supplied a 70-page booklet, a major work to act as a blueprint for the Japanese soldier in understanding why he was fighting. The booklet, entitled Read This And The War Is Won, was composed before the Japanese invasion of Southeast Asia. The booklet explained "not only how to behave in a tropical environment, but also why the Japanese had to fight there" (23). Another piece of Japanese produced propaganda entitled The Way of the Subject was designed for the general population but contained similar contextual elements for the one written for the soldiers. In the Way of the Subject, it was the non-Axis Western powers that were bent on global conquest and domination, something that they had been engaged in with much success for centuries. Similar to the Western understanding of Japanese history, the Japanese viewed Western history as replete with "destructive values, exploitative practices, and brutal wars" (24). Thus, it was Japan that was engaging in a war to liberate "East Asia from white invasion and oppression. In the final analysis, this was a 'struggle between races'" (25). It wasn't only the history of colonialism in Asia that the Japanese evoked when informing their peoples and soldiers about the enemy; the Ministry of Education posed two simple yet rhetorical questions that remained effective through to the end of the war: "How were American Indians treated? What about African Negroes?" (26).
Both sides' propaganda can be seen as a mixture of "truths, half-truths, and empty spaces" (27). By reflecting their own beliefs of themselves in how they viewed the other side, the propaganda reveals more about the nations themselves than it does about their intended subject. For example, the depiction of the Japanese as militaristic, repressive, and irrational was juxtaposed to the Anglo-Americans’ belief that they themselves were the opposite: "fundamentally peaceful, democratic, and rational" (29). Such ideas, of course, did not correspond to reality. A good example of this is found by analyzing The Way of the Subject. Despite the rhetoric of the Japanese being a homogenous and harmonious society, they were not; the rhetoric proves how the Japanese ruling classes were trying to convince the people that they were or should become so. Thus, many of the ideas Westerns held about the Japanese were exactly the things the ruling class themselves wanted the Japanese people to be.
Ultimately, it was the desire for each side's propagandists to illustrate the other as being completely different, in a negative way, to themselves, and "on neither side did the propagandists offer much ground for the recognition of common traits, comparable acts, or comparable aspirations" (32).
American historian Allan Nevins, who won the Pulitzer Prize twice, stated in an essay about WWII that "no foe has been so detested as were the Japanese" (33). The closest thing that came near it, he argued, were the Indian Wars. No one at the time would have argued with that. In fact, commentators routinely stated that the Japanese were more hated than the Germans simply because the Japanese "were uncommonly treacherous and savage" (33). From this arises the question: Why were the Japanese seen as being more treacherous than the Germans? From the Japanese point-of-view, the Allies were the true barbarians of the modern world.
There was a racial component inherent in the way the Allies viewed the Japanese. Even though Nazi atrocities were reported, there was still the distinction of “good and bad Germans” (34). This classification did not exist for the Japanese. Also, even though scholars of the Holocaust have been able to repeatedly demonstrate that evidence of the extermination of the Jews was at hand, the Allies downplayed the information until the camps were liberated after the war. For the Japanese, however, the suffering of the Allies at their hands was personal rather than felt through the tribulations of a population not their own. The Japanese had humiliated the Anglo-Americans repeatedly in the Pacific theater in the early years, and this played a part in their being more detested. Pearl Harbor came to symbolize Japanese treachery.
Underestimation of the enemy existed on both sides. The Japanese believed the Americans would be too soft to fight back and that after such a stunning defeat at Pearl Harbor, they would sue for a peaceful settlement. However, the exact opposite occurred, and the American thirst for revenge bordered on the genocidal. It was difficult for the Americans to believe the Japanese capable of such an attack. Afterward, rumors and theories abounded that the Germans orchestrated the attack.
Each side condemned the other for atrocities, and by the end of the war, many Allied observers concluded that the meaning of what an atrocity was had become a moot point in a war filled with savagery and wholesale slaughter.
The hatred experienced between the Japanese and the Anglo-Americans went beyond just simple wartime animosities, a deep-seated history of racial perceptions of the other preexisted the war. These hatreds began almost from the outset when European explorers (the Portuguese) first established contact with Japan in the 16th century. The Europeans viewed the Japanese as strange and enigmatic—something other and irrefutably inferior to Europeans. The Japanese viewed the Europeans as demons (according to their conceptualization of demons, not the European concept) who were perhaps useful but not to be trusted. Thus, the Japanese also saw themselves as a race above the Europeans. The Japanese and the Europeans were two cultures vastly different from one another, and these differences tragically erupted into violence and destruction, both of which racism and hatred greatly fueled.
Furthermore, the hatred the Anglo-Americans felt for the Japanese surpassed that felt for the Germans, who were held to a different standard. This racism especially exposed the established racism in the United States with regard to the African Americans who fought in a military that practiced segregation: The US believed them to be inferior to white soldiers, and its rhetoric toward the enemy mirrored the rhetoric used toward the African American population. Consequently, "Blacks raised questions about 'fighting for the white folks,' and called for 'double victory' at home and abroad" (5), meaning that it is possible to argue that the seeds for the Civil Rights Movement were sown in the racial discord expressed during the Second World War. And even though they took a backseat to the African Americans, the history of the Native Americans also played a role in Japanese propaganda and perception of the Americans, seeing in the Americans the potential for genocidal warfare directed against themselves.
Not only did each side view the other as inferior and their own as superior, but each viewed the other's history and present politics as treacherous and barbarous; both sides felt they were fighting for a just cause. The Anglo-American allies, as President Roosevelt stated, believed they were fighting for the "four freedoms," which were the freedom of speech, of worship, from want, and from fear. The Japanese believed they were fighting for the liberation of Asia from the imperial European powers and the establishment of a new world order that placed the nations of Asia within their "proper place." Both sides were also fighting for the preservation of their homeland (for both sides viewed the other as an aggressive, conquering power bent on world domination) and the safety of their loved ones.